| Subject: The
Age/Feature: Will Wahid Tackle Timor's Terrorists?
The Age [Melbourne] Wednesday 2 February
2000
NEWS FEATURES
Will Wahid tackle Timor's terrorists?
By SCOTT BURCHILL
THE Indonesian Government doesn't have an
impressive record of investigating its own crimes in East Timor. And the
Australian Government has been equally suspect in its reactions to
Jakarta's inquiries.
The Djaelini inquiry, reluctantly
established by the Suharto Government to investigate the 1991 Dili
massacre, consciously underestimated the number of people killed at the
Santa Cruz cemetery in November that year, and resulted in stiffer
sentences being handed out to the victims of the shootings than to the
military perpetrators.
In his enthusiasm to maintain good
relations with Jakarta, Australia's then Foreign Minister, Gareth Evans,
described the Djaelini Commission as "credible and reasonable",
although a more sober report by Amnesty International said the inquiry was
"totally lacking in credibility and designed principally to appease
international criticism".
It is therefore reasonable to be cautious
about the findings of Indonesia's National Commission for Human Rights,
released on Monday, which recommends that more than 20 military, police
and militia commanders be prosecuted for atrocities committed in East
Timor last year. The report, and reactions to it by President Wahid, raise
a series of difficult issues and unanswered questions.
The commission found that General
Wiranto, who was Defence Minister and head of the armed forces at the
time, had "full knowledge" of the terror inflicted on East Timor
last September. Because he failed to intervene to stop the killing,
looting and forced displacement of the population, the commission
recommends that he face charges relating to "omission". In other
words, the inquiry found no evidence that Wiranto had planned or
orchestrated the violence. He bears only moral responsibility for what
happened.
This is incredible in the true sense of
the word, and unlikely to satisfy either the East Timorese or those human
rights organisations and United Nations officials pushing for the
establishment of an international tribunal to investigate crimes against
humanity in East Timor. By blaming senior military officers for creating
"an atmosphere of impunity ... for the violations of human
rights", the commission actually distances them from direct
responsibility for the slaughter.
There seems little doubt that Canberra
have signals intercepts that clearly implicate a "pro-active"
Wiranto in the planning and execution of crimes in East Timor, though it
is doubtful that this intelligence would be shared with prosecuting
authorities in Jakarta. The Howard Government knows that this material
would be needed to indict Wiranto for crimes against humanity, just as
British and United States intelligence was crucial for similar charges to
be brought against Serbian President Milosevic for his ethnic cleansing in
Kosovo. The Howard Government may be happier to pass the information to
New York, but it is far from certain that the UN Security Council has the
appetite for an international tribunal for East Timor.
Wahid, who surprisingly appointed Wiranto
to his first Cabinet, yesterday appeared to pre-empt the result of any
prosecution by reportedly indicating that the former armed forces chief
would be pardoned if found guilty of the charges brought against him. This
follows Wahid's promise to pardon former President Suharto if he is ever
found guilty of corruption.
If he has indeed made such a commitment
to Wiranto, it is a sign that Wahid is shoring up his support within the
military - but he does so at a cost to both the Indonesian legal process
and to international goodwill, which wants Indonesia to have the first
crack at bringing those responsible for state terror in East Timor to
justice. Crimes on this scale are rarely tried in-house; more frequently
they are held in third countries and often at the International Court of
Justice in The Hague.
But does Indonesia have a judiciary,
untainted by corruption and political patronage, that is up to the task?
In order to satisfy the international community, the Indonesian President
may have to swallow some of his pride and consider the option of inviting
international judges to share the benches in the trials to follow.
Otherwise the trials will simply lack credibility.
The commission's findings are also
embarrassing for the Australian Foreign Minister, Alexander Downer, who on
7 March last year, when asked whether the Indonesian military was arming
and organising the militias, told Channel 9's Sunday program that "if
it's happening at all, it certainly isn't something that's been condoned
by General Wiranto".
It's always dangerous to be so
unequivocal in international diplomacy, particularly when your own
intelligence is telling you a different story. Downer could not have
foreseen that an Indonesian human rights inquiry would subsequently expose
these remarks, but he has fewer excuses for claiming on 5September, at the
height of the post-ballot slaughter, that he was confident Wiranto was
still "trying to do the right thing".
Scott Burchill lectures in international
relations at Deakin University.E-mail: burchill@deakin.edu.au
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