| Subject: GLW: Scrap the Timor Gap Treaty
Green Left Weekly, Issue #405 May 17, 2000
Scrap the Timor Gap Treaty BY JON LAND
Media reports during the recent visit to Australia by East Timorese
leader Xanana Gusmao highlighted the improving diplomatic relations
between Australia, East Timor and Indonesia. Not so widely reported during
Gusmao's trip were renewed calls for the Timor Gap Treaty to be
renegotiated.
Speaking on ABC radio on May 7, National Council of Timorese Resistance
(CNRT) vice-president Jose Ramos Horta called for the treaty to be
renegotiated with terms fairer to East Timor.
Horta stated that East Timor is entitled to up to 90% of gas and oil
royalties from exploration in the area covered by the treaty. Commenting
on the possibility of the treaty being changed, Horta said: "I
believe that Australia is an enormously rich country and I am confident it
is prepared to take the initiative itself, so that the East Timorese can
benefit much more from the treaty."
In response to questions on the Timor Gap Treaty raised by journalists
at the National Press Club on May 5, Gusmao hinted that the future East
Timorese government would seek to renegotiate the treaty. "Hopefully,
as soon as possible, when East Timor is independent we will have also a
team of experts to deal with this matter", he said.
The treaty was also raised in a forum held at federal parliament on May
5. Representatives of the federal Coalition government and the Labor
opposition skirted questions on where they stood on renegotiation. Labor's
shadow foreign affairs minister Laurie Brereton said it was matter to be
dealt with "in the future", while Liberal Senator Marise Payne
(speaking on behalf of foreign affairs minister Alexander Downer) declined
to comment.
Downer was just as evasive when asked by reporters on May 8 whether the
government would consider changes to the treaty. He could only bring
himself to say that the government "will be happy to talk with the
East Timorese on this issue [the Timor Gap Treaty] as East Timor moves
toward independence".
A more blunt and forthright reply was made on May 7 by Northern
Territory chief minister Denis Burke. He told Radio Australia that
"the negotiations that were done when the Indonesians had control was
a very good deal for Indonesia at the time and that deal passed
directly through to East Timor. It's probably the best deal they would
get. I wouldn't be fearful if I were East Timorese about loss of
revenue."
Burke also urged the federal government to do "everything
possible" to assist oil and gas industry developments projected for
the Timor Sea because "there are plenty of alternate suppliers".
Burke's claim that the Timor Gap Treaty is the best deal for East Timor
is false. If the area which the treaty covers is renegotiated under
internationally accepted norms and laws, then a vast amount of territory
would return to East Timor. This would result in a substantial amount of
oil and gas reserves and associated royalties from exploration coming
under the control of the United Nations Transitional Administration in
East Timor (UNTAET) or the East Timorese state, once the mandate of UNTAET
concludes.
When the Timor Gap Treaty was signed in December 1989 it signified a
big step forward in relations between Indonesia and Australia. The treaty
marked the end of lengthy negotiations (which had begun as far back as
1972) to bridge "the gap" in the sea bed boundary between
Australia and Indonesia.
The gap existed in the territorial waters of East Timor because the
Portuguese government -- the administering power of East Timor prior to
the Indonesian invasion in 1975 -- refused to accept the Australian
government's claim that the boundary be set along the edge of the
continental shelf, rather than along the median line.
The signing of the treaty was only able to take place because
successive Australian governments acknowledged Indonesian sovereignty over
East Timor. Though not entirely acceptable to oil and mining interests in
Australia, the Timor Gap Treaty enabled exploration and development of
lucrative oil and gas deposits to begin.
The treaty divides the gap into three zones: zone A, the largest zone,
which is jointly administered, with revenue raised from taxes shared
equally; zone B, which is under Australian jurisdiction (with most of the
revenue going to Australia); and zone C, which was under the jurisdiction
of Indonesia (now UNTAET).
There is potentially billions of dollars in royalties and taxes to be
generated from oil and gas developments, especially in Zone A. When the
Senate passed the Timor Gap Treaty (Transitional Arrangements) Bill 2000
on March 16 -- under which UNTAET formally replaced Indonesia as the
co-signatory for the Timor Gap Treaty -- industry minister Nick Minchin
stated: "It is likely that projects currently awaiting approval
could, if developed, provide several tens of millions of dollars per annum
to both East Timor and Australia for a period of 10 to 20 years commencing
in about 2004".
According to a report in the April 13 Sydney Morning Herald, the
Bayu-Undan field (located in Zone A) alone could potentially generate $5.2
billion in government revenue over a 24-year period. Under the current
terms of the Timor Gap Treaty, this would be split evenly between East
Timor and Australia. If the sea bed boundary was changed to the median
line between East Timor and Australia, the Bayu-Undan field would fall
within East Timor's territory, so all revenue from Bayu-Undan would go to
East Timor.
The hypocrisy of the Howard government's grandstanding on its aid
commitment to East Timor is more apparent when the current terms of the
Timor Gap Treaty are considered. According to budget figures, the
government is only prepared to commit a paltry $150 million in aid to East
Timor over the next four years. This is less than 6% of the expected
revenue from the Bayu-Undan field income alone -- which rightfully belongs
to East Timor.
The Howard government is trying to hoodwink both the Australian and
East Timorese people by claiming to provide much aid and assistance to
East Timor. If it was really committed to helping East Timor, it would
scrap the Timor Gap Treaty immediately, and return the territory and
revenue it gained by giving support to Indonesia's murderous and illegal
occupation of East Timor.
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