| Subject: AFP: Gusmao urges grassroots
democracy as E. Timor marks 100 days of freedom
Also: Xanana's Address to the Nation on 100 Days of
Independence
Agence France-Presse
August 30, 2002
Gusmao urges grassroots democracy as E. Timor marks 100 days of freedom
East Timor's President Xanana Gusmao took stock of his new nation on
Friday in a speech marking 100 days of independence, calling for greater
grassroots democracy to check potential abuse of power.
Dili Bishop Carlos Filipe Ximenes Belo marked another anniversary --
three years since the vote to break away from Indonesia -- with a plea for
an international tribunal for offenders in the 1999 violence which
surrounded the vote.
Gusmao, responding to recent anti-government protests, hit back at
those who "want to create a crisis" and urged people to give the
government time.
"We all accept the fact that we are only now beginning in
everything: in politics, in development, in building the state, in the
school system, in education, etc," the former anti-Indonesian
guerrilla leader said.
"Beginning with myself, we are all learning to serve the
nation."
A public holiday commemorated the UN-organised referendum, in which
almost 80 percent voted to break away from Indonesia despite a terror
campaign by Indonesian-backed local militias.
After the vote revengeful militias burnt whole towns to the ground,
leaving a UN transitional government with a massive rebuilding job. Some
1,000 people were murdered in 1999 before Indonesia pulled out and the UN
moved in.
Gusmao urged parliament urgently to authorise an ombudsman to hear
complaints of corruption.
He called for parliament, which is dominated by the Fretilin party, to
take its responsibilities more seriously and stressed the need for greater
grassroots democracy, with hamlet and village chiefs elected by the people
in future.
The president, a former commander of Fretilin's armed wing, had become
estranged from the party in recent months. But he announced he would meet
weekly with Prime Minister Mari Alkatiri in future.
Gusmao called on the new police force not to abuse its powers or act
violently.
"We should all remember that we have just come out of 25 years of
a situation, where violence became part of our way of life (clearly,
imposed on the Timorese)," he said in reference to the Indonesian
occupation.
"The state that we want to establish in Timor must be one that
respects people."
East Timorese celebrated the holiday with soccer, volleyball and a
motocross event. An open-air concert was to be held Friday evening.
Dili's Bishop Belo, writing in Friday's International Herald Tribune,
said justice for the victims of 1999 had been elusive.
"Rapists, arsonists and murderers walk free, while the innocent
live with their trauma.
"That trauma, and the people's sense of victimization, were
revived with the recent acquittals in Jakarta of Indonesian police and
military charged with allowing atrocities to take place," he wrote.
Indonesia's human rights court this month acquitted six army or police
officers, sparking widespread international criticism.
Belo also called for action to address economic hardship in Asia's
poorest country.
"Much of the countryside remains in ruins, with approximately 70
to 80 percent of the population unemployed."
He urged Washington to be "mindful of the lessons of the
past" as it makes initial steps towards re-establishing military
relations with Indonesia.
"Will the Indonesian army, elements of which remain embittered by
East Timor's independence, become emboldened by a renewal of US assistance
and sponsor acts of subversion that could cause further suffering in our
land?"
Belo urged the world to give maximum help for reconstruction, support a
process leading to genuine justice, and guarantee protection for East
Timor so that violence does not recur.
"The souls of the victims demand no less," he wrote.
---------------
PRESIDENTE DA REPÚPLICA
ADDRESS TO THE NATION BY H.E. PRESIDENT KAY RALA XANANA GUSMÃO ON THE
ONE HUNDRED DAYS OF INDEPENDENCE
Dili, 30th August, 2002
Let us analyze the 100 days of independence.
We always hear that independence has only been for some people and that
independence has not yet reached the population.
We also hear that independence is for those who did not fight nor
suffer and for those who fought and suffered, independence does not exist.
It is also said that the President of the Republic, Members of the
Parliament and members of the Government are already well off, they
already have cars, houses, salaries and they have already forgotten the
population and those who fought and suffered.
It is also said that the Government should be dismissed, because its
members, from the Prime Minister, still have not done anything and, above
all, they do not concern themselves with the plight of those who suffered
and fought.
These complaints are natural, human, but not reasonable. There may
exist failures, but these failures do not justify all such complaints. We
all note that there is more to be done, nevertheless one must think that
is impossible to do everything in 3 months and a development plan should
never be done in one go. Wherever it may be.
There are people who think already of a possible crisis and that the
Government will fall because it cannot respond to all the demands and is
unable to resolve all the problems.
I must inform to you all that, in the meetings I have had with, and
most recently, all the Political Parties without exception and with the
two Bishops, all categorically affirmed that they were not in favour of
any crisis and that they would do their best to defend the Constitution
and the Democratic process.
I am not elaborating on the democratic and constitutional aspects. I
just want to call attention to those who want to create a crisis, to those
who demand immediate and complete change of the situation, to think
carefully, for a sincere self-analysis of what they could or not achieve
in such a short space of time.
I want to draw the attention of all the people to the demagogies, to
the cheap talk of many who exploit the failures of the State institutions
in order to mobilize the population. One fact that remains in our memories
is when the Minister for Internal Administration, Mr. Rogerio Lobato, who
was seconded by the President of the Parliament, Mr. Francisco Guterres,
addressed the population at the Gymnasium: “You are from Fretilin, it
was you who elected us”.
In the democratic elections, where Fretilin won with a margin of 57%,
signifying that the majority of our people trusted the ability of the
Fretilin party to lead the parliament and the government for 5 years. It
was not merely for 3 or 4 or 5 months.
In my first Message, delivered one month after independence, I asked
all the people to give six months to the government, sufficient time
needed for us to see something concrete in the implementation of its
annual program of activities.
To demand that, in 3 months, they would resolve all the problems is
unrealistic and simply unreasonable. This is the reason why, I appealed to
the University students to make better use of their weapon: their ability
to think and rationalize, in order for their demands not to clash with the
democratic rules that regulate our lives as citizens and as a State.
The most ironic of controversies, is that there are groups that did not
participate in the Referendum, did not want to participate in the
elections to form the Constituent Assembly not even in the presidential
elections. They have demonstrated that they were anti-democratic but,
today, they appear as the voice of the people, making various demands,
making the most of the democratic environment that we are all trying to
build and strengthen.
Compatriots
Today, the people demand the sweat and if they do not have it, they
demand for speeches...about the History. And worse of all, History has to
be on their side. To others, History does not exist. And, to others still,
History cannot be written. They are History.
I believe that it is the psychosis (or syndrome, or even trauma) in the
aftermath of violent conflicts or liberation struggles. The arrogance that
nowadays is becoming common in some Timorese, is not a fault in itself nor
even a symptom of the character of these people.
In some, arrogance results from a feeling of fragility (I would say
psychological, not to say political and moral) and is fenced as a weapon
for personal affirmation against everything and everyone. As you can see,
it is merely a state of spirit.
In many other people, we can see that such arrogance, which in turn
produces the rigid and inflexible attitude and behaviour, is often
contradictory. This arrogance only serves to disguise the intellectual and
political incapacity. The arrogance therefore becomes a fortress to hide
ignorance from the eyes of the crowd.
If these states of spirit prevail for a long time or throughout the
time, they may become a feature of unhealthy mentality!
Compatriots
Now, let us discuss the process of our independence, in institutional
terms.
We cannot say that we have achieved significant progress in terms of
constructing the State. I say this, because the State is built up
throughout the years and must be built from the very beginning. The
Constitution defines the general and theoretical lines, of the existence
of the State. The State has to be built; it has to empower itself through
the existence of its Organs. And this is not all, for there must also
exist legislation for the State to take action, for the State to breathe,
for the State to live, for the State to produce, for the State to activate
the rest of society.
Days after the announcement of the results of the presidential
elections, I went to the Constituent Assembly and drew the attention of
the MPs to the fact that without essential basic laws to enable the
regular functioning of the State, it would be paralyzed even though we
already had a Constitution which they adopted.
In the Extraordinary Session of 20th of May, I again reminded the MPs
that the Constitution was not enough, in itself and it was their duty to
make the State function, with the necessary laws that needed to be passed
by Parliament. In the first Meeting with the political parties, I urged
them to establish an order of priorities and of importance in the adoption
of laws in Parliament, so that we need not worry about laws that not of
priority to the normal functioning of the State.
The institutional situation at present, in view of the Constitution,
continues more or less the same, after the hundred days of independence.
The Presidency itself does not have an Organic Law to regulate its
internal activities. All that we do is neither legal nor illegal.
In truth, some laws have already been passed and they are: - Passport
Law, promulgated on 27 June, 2002.
- Regulation National Parliament n°1/I, “Publication of the Laws”
promulgated on 29 June, 2002
- Decree n° 1/2002 of 24 May, on the “Law pertaining to the
transferrence of the Legal System”, promulgated by the President on 5
July, 2002
- Organic Law of the National Parliament, promulgated on 10 July, 2002
- Law on the Interpretation of Existing Law up to 19 May, 2002,
promulgated on 10 July, 2002
- “Law on the General State Budget for Fiscal Year 2002/2003”,
promulgated on 16 July, 2002
- Resolution “Accession of East Timor to the IMF/IBRD/IFC/AID/IDA/ADB”
approved on 15 July, 2002, signed for publication on 16 July, 2002
- Law on the Modification of the Tributary System promulgated on 16
August, 2002.
- Law on the “Alterations to Budget Allocation for the Fiscal Year
2001-2002”, promulgated on 20 August, 2002.
- Law on the “Maritime Borders of the Democratic Republic of East
Timor” promulgated on 24 August, 2002.
- Resolution of the National Parliament on the “Rome Statute of the
International Criminal Court”, signed for publication on 24 August 2002.
But, there is much talk about people who cross the border, who are
granted an entry visa, for one or two weeks travel around all of Timor to
do their business and then leave, only to return the following week. There
is much talk about foreigners that come here and no-one really knows what
they are here for, although to visit Timor is not a crime and we ought to
encourage visits, because spending in Timor is to leave money in Timor.
And, therefore, there is still no Law on Immigration. Speaking of
foreigners, we forget about ourselves and, that there is still no Law on
Citizenship.
There is also much talk about CCN (Corruption, Collusion and Nepotism),
of cases in which it is said that the husband, wife, uncles, nephews and
cousins have the possibility of finding employment and on top of all,
within the same department. Much is also spoken about CCN, and that many
people with experience cannot find jobs because they are not worthy of
political trust and therefore those who are chosen are not the best for
that given job.
And the list of complaints about CCN does not stop here. There are
public servants, who despite receiving their normal salaries, that those
many unemployed would like to receive, are practicing the culture of
receiving commissions from foreigners, to the amount of $100, which
matches their monthly salary, above all from foreigners, or for issuing
visas and other matters.
Finally, if it is true that all this is happening, there is no
independent mechanism in place to receive the complaints of the people. It
is, therefore, urgent that the Office of the Ombudsman (Provedoria) is
established institutionally, so that a communication mechanism, open to
the people is set up. For this, it is necessary that the Parliament
approves the law to this effect.
There is talk about the need to separate Public Prosecution and Public
Magistrates. We note everyone’s and above all of the International
Community in relation to the Judicial System, and the need to ensure that
it is independent and professional. There is talk of the need to establish
the Supreme Court of Justice, the Court of Appeals and the Office of the
Prosecutor General, there is talk of problems that occurred in Becora
prison and the number of lawsuits that pile up because are not swiftly
solved.
There is no law governing the Public Prosecution, there is no law which
defines Public Magistrates, and we are waiting for Parliament to approve
these two laws. There is no way of resolving the problems of the
overcrowded jails and in the meanwhile, it seems that everybody is just
waiting for the Minister for Justice to quickly finish her three months
leave.
Meanwhile, I would like to speak a little bit about our judicial
system. We all seem to be able to state if justice in Timor is going
badly, then everything else will go less well. We need professional judges
and prosecutors with high levels of responsibility, just like we need
truly independent courts.
But we all accept the fact that we are only now beginning in
everything; in politics, in development, in building the State, in the
school system, in education, etc. Beginning with myself, we are all
learning to serve the Nation.
There is a lot of criticism about the work of the judges and
prosecutors, just as we hear much criticism of the action of ministers,
teachers and public servants. There is also the controversy over the
status of trainees Vs the UNTAET regulation that foresees lifelong
appointments, for judges who have only three years of service. On the
other hand, according to some sources, Timorese judges refuse to work with
foreigners.
I think that we all should face the challenge of building our State, as
a process of building our global capacity, in all the aspects of the life
of the State. To demand that justice be independent is but one issue.
But, because it is fundamental for the whole process of democracy and
development in our country, we should all accept that others be involved
in the formulation of policies on the training and capacity building of
judges and prosecutors. And this issue, the establishment and construction
of the judicial system in Timor is a concern for all the Timorese and
above all for the State institutions themselves.
This does not mean interference or intervention, because the latter can
only exist when we attempt to act on cases on trial in courts. The
intervention in the formulation of policies on capacity building means
that we share the same difficulties, the same efforts and the same
objectives.
Compatriots
The Council of State cannot yet function, because there is no law to
regulate it. The Supreme Council for Defense and Security cannot function
either because there is no law. The Parliament has to approve these laws.
Many MPs do not accept and criticize me for having appealed for the act
of raising arms not to become a mere requirement of work in the
proceedings of this democratic institution. There parliamentarians
rebelled because I demanded greater awareness of their own
responsibilities before the people who elected them and before the
Constitution that they approved.
I should inform you that I have already been approached by diplomatic
representatives, accredited in Dili, who expressed their surprise because
immediately following the passing of laws, MPs were not able to explain
their concerns and responded that they passed the laws but had not
understood them.
If we have to lament the image we are creating of ourselves to the
world, then the President of the Republic also shares this shame. I hope
the MPs will reflect on this, with the necessary political consideration,
thereby avoiding arrogance that does a disservice to all.
But let us continue to analyze the 100 days of independence.
The population in the districts complain of being abandoned, of being
forgotten and, worse still, of a power vacuum.
Our Republic is called a “democratic republic”, our State is
democratic. The Constitution was passed democratically and enshrines
participatory democracy. In sections of the Constitution, local Democracy
and local Government are mentioned. The Constitution is our fundamental
law and it is written in Section 6, that the principle objective of the
State is “to defend and guarantee political democracy and popular
participation in the resolution of the national issues”, and in Section
5 proclaims the principle of “decentralization of the public
administration”.
Participatory democracy means that the participation must come from all
the citizens, it also means that it needs to come from the grassroots of
our communities. Nowadays, the Village Chiefs do not know what to do and
lack direction. In many places, the population does not believe in the
village chiefs and so they prefer to look after their own families, to
avoid headaches.
Because of this, there is no mechanism of communication with the
grassroots and therefore they are easily manipulated by third parties, who
mark their presence periodically or permanently at the grassroots levels.
And I must say that some district administrators and some sub-district
coordinators also reveal lack of direction and do not know what they
should do and should not do.
Democracy is not only exercised in elections that took place and will
take place to elect a Parliament or a President. If it is only to hold
elections, then democracy is insufficient, or better yet, not complete.
There is no law on Local Government. There is still a need to decide on
the need to establish City Councils and Counties or to decide that there
is no need for these. But let us not forget that the Constitution itself
determines in Section 137, that the “Public Administration is structured
in such a way to avoid bureaucracy” to bring the services to the people
and to guarantee the participation of those involved in effective
management”.
Local power must be the outcome of a democratic choice by the
communities. The hamlet and village chiefs including at the sub-district
and sub-district levels that is all those in charge should be elected by
the people. This would be ideal.
We all know that elections cost money. However, we must not hold to
this factor for a long time, in order not to breach principles enshrined
in the Constitution. These considerations are also to alert that our
democracy, that this democratic process, will go badly if those in charge
of the local government only fill in the criteria of political confidence,
so that they can be appointed by the party of the government.
This is an in-depth issue it is a question of guaranteeing that
democracy is lived by the people, on a daily basis. If not, we will easily
fall into the tendency to strengthen centralized power, where bureaucracy
will trickle down to the bases and hamper the promotion of debates on the
problems, which are felt by the population within the communities.
There is a demand so that State Institutions may have greater
communication with the population. But, timely and updated information
will never reach all the population if transmitted exclusively by TVTL,
Radio and Print Media.
Only by activating local government can we bring to permanent and
efficient reality, the contact mechanisms of the Government to the people
and the people to the Government. Only by activating the local government,
will the sub-district coordinators and district administrators know that
they cannot be mere bureaucrats, waiting for directions from Dili, but
will have to start to concern themselves with the problems of the
population, trying solutions that may be applicable or bringing the people’s
concerns to the central government and the parliament.
Speaking of Parliament, the elected District Representatives must not
forget that they have a responsibility, which is to convey the problems,
the concerns and the anxieties of the people that each one represents.
In the process of decentralization and local government and
safeguarding the democratic spirit in the elections of the hamlet and
village chiefs, the traditional authorities, can and must continue to play
a role of cooperating, persuading and clarifying the people. It is for
this reason that Section 2 of our Fundamental Law acknowledges the
importance of the “customary norms and practices” and recommends that
legislation is drafted to give value to these.
We think that in this way many profound problems may be resolved or at
least be heard and taken into consideration right form the roots of those
problems. Likewise we think that we will not assist initiatives of
mobilizing the population in the interior of Dili, to ensure that their
anxieties or complaints are heard.
On the demonstrations of 21 and 22 August, I know that some of the
elements of the population wanted to raise the problem of irrigation pipes
that are destroyed and water cannot reach the rice fields. Others wanted
to raise the need for a more favourable policy to those farmers who rent
tractors and after paying the bills, do not benefit much from owning the
fields.
And I know that that they did not raise these problems, because, among
others of the political character, with the organizers and mobilizers
vested those demonstrations, did not give them the occasion to raise them.
Speaking of the meeting at the Gymnasium, when it was said that the
meeting on 22 August was an exceptional event, this does not mean that we
cannot concede to more meetings of this kind or that we will prevent the
population from expressing in one way or the other.
The Constitution states that issue of villages and districts must be
resolved by the its population and therefore Section 65 determines that
the organs “of the local government are chosen through elections, by
means of universal suffrage”. It is necessary that the Government and
National Parliament acknowledge with humility that they cannot assist in
resolving all the problems that afflict the Timorese, and begin to prepare
laws that the people need to solve the problems in the communities.
This must signify that, above all, the Ministry of Internal
Administration, as instructed by the Prime Minister in this direction, has
the duty to look into the legal framework for the democratic participation
of all the people, to institutionalize local government, and thus correct
the image that the Internal Administration only deals with security and
police problems.
Speaking of the police, I wish to mention two issues raised by the
people. Firstly, we all know that the Police uphold the law and oversee
public order. I urge agents and officers of every echelon of the Timorese
police to avoid the interpretation that enforcing law and order demands
the use of violent means or even using weapons.
We should all remember that we have just come out of 25 years of a
situation, where violence became part of our way of being (clearly,
imposed on the Timorese). And that the reaction of the people is still
pronouncedly aggressive.
The Timorese Police must adopt a policy of persuasion and much
patience, to deal with the problems and with the people, thereby avoiding
that on behalf of the law arbitrary or excessive actions are taken which
could later serve to discredit the police themselves or lead to the lack
of trust in the people for the police.
We are all undergoing a transition of imposed mentalities and cultures,
but I believe that, in future, the Timorese Police will be seen as an
Institution to protect and assist society. This way, the Timorese Police
will not be seen as an Institution which follows orders and uses whichever
means at its disposal, even if they are not of their competency, but
because they consider that it is their right to apply such methods as if
they are above the all and everything.
I address the second appeal to the Timorese Police in particular, to
the levels of command to defend the law is to defend the Constitution.
Section 18 of the Constitution states that the decisions of the Courts are
obligatory and should prevail over the decisions made by any other
authorities.
If one day, an arrest warrant for the President of the Republic is
issued by a competent Court, the Police should not ask if the President
can or wants to be arrested. The Police must carry out the decision of the
Court. If the decision of the Court is wrong, it is not up to the police
to find out why; there are other legal procedures to deal with this. If
the Timorese Police does not gain this awareness of duty, our democracy
will die, the imposed arbitrary behaviour will allow injustice to
flourish, because the police will not be defending the law, will not be
defending the Constitution but rather obeying to the excesses of the
authorities.
Compatriots
Since the end of 1999 that the meetings with the population, with
entities or institutions, were held with this aim: to produce an analysis
of the situation, to convey information and listen to the apprehensions of
the people.
A distinguished MP defended in Parliament that the meeting at the
Gymnasium was unconstitutional. Firstly, I must say the statement of the
illustrious MP clearly reveals the superficiality of his research of the
facts about the meeting at the Gymnasium.
The State that we want to establish in Timor, must be one that respects
people, rather one that does not want anything to do with the people, or
that is afraid to speak to the people. Our State is to serve the people,
the Timorese.
The State that we want to establish in Timor must not be a State of
offices and paperwork, but rather a State that discusses with the people
any issue related to their daily lives. And finally, the State that we
want to establish in Timor, must be a State that does not discriminate
between people or groups, on the basis of political or ideological labels.
Therefore I must say that the distinguished MP lacks political sense
and the sense of responsibility, when he tried to legalistically elaborate
on the problems that need to be resolved.
It is for this reason, that National Dialogue is necessary. The
national dialogue will be institutionalized to periodically attempt to
cover thematic issues of national interest. The dialogue would assist all
of us to take up a common policy on themes of great importance or would
enable a greater understanding by all Timorese about the policies that
were adopted or will be adopted.
One feels great need for communication between the institutions and the
people, a great need to disseminate information so that the people not
only participate, but understand and take on the policies or measures of
the government. Lack of communication produces doubts and suspicions,
which are later expressed in demands, or in radical stances. For each
program of the national dialogue, 1 or 2, or a maximum of 3 themes will be
selected for debate according to the complexity of the themes. For
example: a campaign can have 3 themes: “schooling, unemployment and
professional training”.
The other could cover “Reconciliation and Justice”. One theme could
be: “How to construct the judicial system in Timor” and another about
“The Timor Sea Treaty”. Themes such as “Local Government traditional
authorities and village chiefs” and “Former Combatants ways for
solutions”, as well as, “Democracy political parties, civil society
and the press”, “Which are the economic and development problems faced
by the people”.
There will be a mechanism for constructive debate; there will also be a
mechanism to convey necessary information to the people, so that the
knowledge of important themes of national interest, will engage the
population in the process of the democratic building of independence.
There will be two commissions created to deal with the issue of the
Former Combatants and Veterans of Falintil. The 1st Commission will
prepare a detailed study of the criteria to define and identify Former
Combatants from 1975 to 1979. Otherwise, we will face the unacceptable
situation of having, as we have seen already, youths under the age of 30,
marching as Former Combatants. If we take into account the 25 years of war
and that only at 18 can a young man be drafted into the ranks of the Army,
then the youngest of the Former Combatants from the period 1975 to 1979
should be, today, between 38 or 40 years of age.
This Commission will make recommendations for solutions to this
problem.
The 2nd Commission will also prepare a detailed study of the criteria
to define Falintil Veterans from the period 1980 to 1999. This is to avoid
having the same and exclusive set of criteria applied to the Falintil of
1980 as well as to the Falintil of 1998 or 1999 or 2000.
The Commission will also collect information on all the Commanders and
guerrilla fighters who fell during this period of the struggle, and will
make recommendations for solutions that will encompass widows, orphans and
the war disabled.
In order not to have the Government alone providing solutions, which
are then not accepted and so that the parties who suffered great loss, do
not also come up with solutions that the Government is not able to meet,
the 2 Commissions will be formed by competent members of Government, and
by those claimants who best represent civil society.
The Presidency of the Republic assumed this task to encourage everyone
to a profound and serious debate of the issues of national interest.
Profound because we have to understand and rationalize the demands and
measure the ability, resources, of meeting these demands. Therefore,
looking at the current situation of the nation, we will attempt to find a
balance between the eventual demands of the people and what the Government
can provide.
I said it is serious, because we will have to eliminate all the
demagogies that can appear in the content of speeches and statements, so
that a sense of responsibility is created within each one of us, and shown
in the way we participate in the debates and in the search for solutions.
Compatriots
Let us continue to analyze the 100 days of Independence, to analyze the
building of the State. When we speak of the “State”, we are not only
speaking about administration, armed forces, judges, MPs and those
governing. The State is the People who are politically organized,
according to what is contained in our Constitution. The State only exists
to develop the resources of our country, to add value to our cultural
heritage, to educate our children and to perfect the daily life of all
Timorese.
We notice with some apprehension, the proliferation of Universities in
Dili. We certainly welcome, the initiative of all those who have already
graduated to make themselves available to help build the capacity of the
youths for the future of our country.
Without minimizing the intellectual and administrative capacity to
manage the Universities, we are however concerned with the quality of
education. We are concerned with the future of our youth and with the
future of this nation.
What kind of development do we want for this country? Which are the
real needs of our students? What kind of training do we want to provide
for our youth so that we build their capacity to meet the economic
development needs of the country?
I urge the Ministry of Education to look into this problem. Would it
not be better, if instead of many Universities, we had only one, of a high
standard in Dili and we could envisage the creation of schools for
Professional Technical Training for the nation?
Would it not be better for us to begin thinking of the need for
Vocational Training directed at the major needs of the country, in the
coming 5 to 15 years? It is necessary for us to begin to regulate
initiatives that may be of use today, but may not meet the greater needs
of the country.
It is necessary to outline already an education policy and a syllabus.
Timor lacks technical expertise in many fields and at all levels. We
cannot nourish the idea in our youths that, once they have graduated in
sociology or politics, they are guaranteed employment and will better
serve the nation. We have to look to our economic development, we have to
guide the youths to understand that for the economic development of the
country, we need fewer graduates in politics, but instead good
politicians, what we need are fewer graduates in sociology to work in NGOs
but instead qualified technicians for the construction of our country.
In 1974, I worked in civil construction in Darwin. One of my Australian
colleagues, who received the same salary as me, was a law graduate. This
is to show that if we do not have a vision on educational policy for our
youths, we may come to see in the future our graduates working as
labourers, under the orders of foreign technical staff, because we lacked
skilled human resources.
It is heard that university students are trying to establish SMAs and
SMPs, in the districts and sub-districts. This is a valid initiative and
concern, but I continue to draw your attention to the quality standards of
education, that such initiatives may not achieve or guarantee.
I do not want miss this opportunity to draw the attention of the
Ministry of Education to the various complaints on the performance of some
teachers throughout the country. There are teachers who arrive late to
school, sign in and then spend all their time in idle chatter, others do
not come to work and others still, who can’t but physically punish the
children. In this way, we are taking the education of our future
generation on the wrong path.
The Ministry of Education should appoint School Inspectors, in order to
put an end to this situation and to begin to correct the many anomalies,
in respect to the previous appointments of teachers, some or many of them,
with no knowledge or pedagogic experience.
Greater participation from the parents of the students in the debate of
these issues, may not only change the violent behavior and the
indiscipline of the students, but also achieve a higher standard of
professionalism and commitment on the part of the teachers.
If we do not concern ourselves with this, we will make a serious
mistake in developing our Human Resources, merely in terms of statistics
and not in terms of quality of training and education and teaching.
Compatriots,
As we are noticing, our problems are many ranging from the building of
the State to developing the capacity of the Timorese, from acquiring a new
sense of nationalism to the need to broaden and strengthen democracy.
And the problems are not only the ones we have mentioned. There are
still many, small and big. But I want to take this opportunity to cover
two issues of the same nature: destruction of State property.
About three weeks ago, the Post Office in Comoro was inaugurated. Soon
afterwards, people threw stones and broke all the windows. A week ago, the
Regional Office of Customs and Tax was inaugurated in Baucau.
Soon afterwards, people threw stones and broke all the windows.
On the other hand, we cannot continue to tolerate acts of vandalism of
this nature. I know that the case in Comoro involved many people, an
individual allegedly one of the perpetrators was arrested. I also know
that the Judge decided to grant parole, while the investigation is
pending.
I hope that a solution to these problems is found quickly so that it
serves as an example for us not to continue to destroy State property, our
own property. And I appeal to the population not to destroy what we are
painfully building.
In relation to the lottery, apart from the confiscation of $30,000,
which is now being held by the Court, the two responsible persons were
granted parole, pending the investigation. But I am also aware that the
lottery continues in Culu Hum, Bemori and Bairro Pite. I was informed that
the business is run by Timorese, although the cards come from overseas. I
lament immensely that the arrest warrant issued by the General Prosecutor,
has not yet been carried out.
All this reveals the need to have Criminal Investigation Police.
If we continue to roam, with no strength to enforce the law, right at
the beginning of our independence, by the time corruption develops deep
roots, it will be most difficult to combat it and we will all be engulfed
in the culture of “whoever holds power, is the law”.
Compatriots
To end, I would like to inform everyone that the meeting between the
Prime Minister and myself has been institutionalized, and will be held
every Thursday, to enable the exchange of information and ideas.
Safeguarding the independence of the Organ of the Presidency, it was felt
that to serve the building of our State, dialogue is an important and much
needed mechanism.
Dialogue and communication are not only relevant between the
institutions of our State, but above all between the institutions and
Civil Society. Therefore, I recommend the National Parliament involve
civil society in public hearings, in debates on draft bills, be them of a
sensitive nature or above all, when they are related to national
interests.
Thank you.
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