see also Report To The United States On The Papuan Consensus
PAPUA NATIONAL CONSENSUS
“From atop this rocky
mount I see the civilization of the Papuan people, a people who possess great
intelligence, common sense, and knowledge, but who are unable to lead this
nation. This nation will rise and be led by its people.”
Izaak Samuel Kinje,
Aitumeri Wasior, Sunday October 25, 1925
We the leaders of the Papuan Nation, from
various positions within the struggle for Papuan nationhood, met in solidarity
and friendship at the Cenderawasih University Guest House in Abepura, Jayapura,
on April 30 and May 14, 2009. At this meeting we collectively reviewed the
situation of the Papuan people since the government of Indonesia occupied the
Land of Papua up to the present day.
At this historic gathering we revisited the
history of the Papuan nation: on December 1, 1961 Papua achieved independence as
a sovereign nation among other nations in the world. Nevertheless, the
government of Indonesia unilaterally annexed Papua through the deployment of the
Trikora command, announced by the President of the Republic of Indonesia, Ir.
Soekarno on the December 19, 1961 in Yogyakarta. Since 1965 various factions
have struggled to resist the annexation of the sovereign nation of Papua and to
defend the identity and sovereignty of the Papuan people.
Alongside the ‘Reformation’ political movement
which emerged in 1998, the people of Papua gathered at the Second Papua Congress
in 2000. At this Congress Papuans formed the Papua Presidium Council (Dewan
Presidium Papua) to coordinate and unite Papuans in a struggle for political
rights as a sovereign people. Yet the Indonesian government continues to destroy
partnerships among Papuans and threaten the civil rights of West Papuans in a
variety of inhumane ways. Therefore we the leaders have become aware of the
pressing and fundamental need to create unity among Papuans.
To reunite all of the components of the struggle
under a common direction, we the undersigned affirm the Papua National Consensus
as the basis and source of guidance and direction for all Papuans. The National
Consensus pertains to Political History, Human Rights, Development, the Failure
to Implement Special Autonomy Laws, and the agenda for the Papuan struggle.
A. POLITICAL HISTORY
We assert that:
The nation of West Papua is absolutely not part of the territory of the
Unitary Republic of Indonesia, because:
Historically, West Papua was not
part of the Dutch Indies. West Papua was declared a possession of Sri Baginda,
the Queen of the Netherlands, by the Commander of the Netherlands Army Corps
during the ceremonial opening of Fort du Bus on August 24, 1828 at Lobo, Triton
Kaimana Bay, South Coast.
Although West Papua and Indonesia
were Dutch colonies, West Papua was governed and administered separately.
West Papuans did not participate
in the Oath of Indonesian Youth (Sumpah Pemuda Indonesia) on October 28,
When Indonesian representatives
met with Japanese officials in Saigon on August 12, 1945, Mohammad Hatta
declared Papuans to be a Negro Race of Melanesian Descent who should take charge
of their own fate. Ir. Soekarno proposed that Papuans were too primitive to be
involved in the formation of the independent nation of Indonesia.
West Papua was not included in the
proclamation of territories of the Unitary Republic of Indonesia on August 17,
At the Round Table Conference held
August 23 – November 2, 1949, the status of West Papua (then called Netherlands
New Guinea), was explicitly acknowledged by Muhammad Hatta, the head of the
Indonesian delegation, who said, “…The West Papua issue does not need to be
discussed because….Papuans have the right to Independence.”
Papua National Committee Manifest,
October 19, 1961
Declares to the inhabitants of one nation
and one territory that:
Based on United Nations Charter
Section 73, parts A and B;
Based on the declaration of
independence by regions and nations who are not yet self-governing, as outlined
in the resolution accepted by the 15th United Nations plenary session, September
20 – December 20, 1960, no. 1514 (XV);
Based on the unconditional rights
of the people of West Papua in our own territory;
Based on the wishes of our people
and with the mediation of the National Commitee and our House of Representatives
(Nieuw Guinea Raad) we achieved concessions from the government of the
Netherlands New Guinea and the Netherlands government to the effect that
starting November 1, 1961:
Our flag is flown beside the
Our national anthem, Hai
Tanahku Papua, is sung along with the Netherlands anthem;
The name of our land is West
Our nation is Papua.
On these bases we the Papuan people demand our
own territory, equal to other sovereign territories, and alongside these other
nations we the Papuan people wish to live in tranquillity and to join with
others in promoting world peace.With this manifest we invite all inhabitants who
love the land of Papua and our nation to accept this Manifest and defend it as
the basis of liberty for our Papuan nation.
The pure and noble desire of the West Papuan nation to possess its own
territory was acknowledged by the act of annexation by the government of
Indonesia under its Trikora command announced by Presiden Soekarno on 19,
December 1961 in Yogyakarta. The instruction of the President to put down the
Formation of the Puppet Nation of West Papua Created by the Dutch Colonizers is
an explicit recognition by the government and people of Indonesia of the
existence of the nation of West Papua.
The Trikora command sharpened the
conflict between the Netherlands and Indonesia over the political status of West
Papua. During this period, Cold War alliances positioned East versus West, with
Indonesia developing close relations with the nations of the Eastern block, as
is indicated in a secret letter from United States President J.F. Kennedy to
Prime Minister of the Netherlands Dr. J.E. de Quay dated April 2, 1962, which
resulted in the Netherlands coming under political pressure from the U.S. to
sign an agreement with Indonesia on August 15, 1962. This agreement was called
the New York Agreement.
The New York Agreement is an invalid agreement, both legally and
morally, because agreement about the status of the land and the fate of the
Papuan nation was determined without the involvement of official representatives
from West Papua.
The government of Indonesia intentionally failed to disseminate
information about the contents of the New York Agreement to West Papuans,
including information about their right to self-determination and to decide: (a)
if they wished to continue to be included in Indonesia, or (b) if they wished to
end their relationship with Indonesia.
The Act of Free Choice (PEPERA) held in 1969 is legally and
morally flawed because it was not implemented in accordance with Section X - II,
Paragraph 1 and Section XVIII, Paragraph D of the New York Agreement or
in accordance with international law. The Act of Free Choice involved extreme
forms of coercion, terrorism, military intimidation and lying to Papuans and the
The contract signed by PT. Freeport McMoran Copper and the government of
Indonesia in 1967 is not valid because it did not involve official
representatives of the West Papuan nation and because the Land of Papua was not
legally part of the territory of Indonesia.
B. HUMAN RIGHTS
As a result of the aforementioned political
issues which have not been resolved democratically, hundreds of thousands of
Papuans have suffered human rights abuses as a result of Indonesian government
practices of mass murder, execution, slaughter, kidnapping, terrorism,
intimidation, and many other forms of oppression.
We assert that since the annexation of Papua to
the present day the Indonesian government continues to:
Employ inhumane tactics to suppress our right to speak freely and express
ourselves publicly to the Papuan people;
Arrest and detain Papuan leaders and activists with accusations of
attacks against the government and of unilateral separatism;
Misuse the legal system in Papua as a tool for deceiving, imprisoning,
and oppressing indigenous Papuans;
Isolate Papua by forbidding entry to foreign senators, members of
congress, diplomats, humanitarian workers and journalists.
We argue that the policies and programs for
development that have been implemented by the Indonesian government in Papua
from 1963 to the present day have failed to improve the standard of living of
Papuans and raise the quality of life in Papua.
We think and observe that:
The education system implemented by the Indonesian government for the
last 47 years has failed to result in high-quality skills and education for
In the interior regions of Papua, schools lack teachers.
Medical facilities do not function and are intentionally under-staffed
and under-resourced to the effect that many Papuans die.
All sectors of the economy are monopolized by non-Papuan migrants to the
effect that indigenous Papuans are economically marginalized.
The Indonesian government has failed to develop functioning and
good-quality infrastructure. Basic infrastructure such as airports, sea ports
and roads are left over from Dutch governance.
The Indonesian government knowingly destroys traditional Papuan cultural
structures and leadership institutions. Development implemented by the
government fails to protect local culture, including cultural values,
traditional skills and knowledge, and traditional foods.
During the Old Order and New Order periods the government of Indonesia
sent vast numbers of transmigrants to Papua; the total number of transmigrants
is more than 400,000 people.
The number of migrants from outside Papua is ever increasing and migrants
dominate the urban centres to the effect that Papuans are increasingly becoming
a minority in their own country.
The government deliberately promotes a program of Family Planning
involving pregnancy prevention injections for Papuans to limit the growth of the
D. FAILURE TO IMPLEMENT SPECIAL AUTONOMY LAW
In our evaluation, the implementation of Special
Autonomy Law from 2001 to the present day has not resulted in any significant
changes in the lives of Papuans. Rather, we observe that:
The Indonesian government has not implemented three main policy
priorities, namely (1) policies and activities aimed at indigenous Papuans (2)
policies and activities that protect indigenous Papuans, and (3) policies and
activities that empower indigenous Papuans.
The Special Forces Unit (Kopassus) of the Indonesian military
kidnapped and murdered the leader of the Papua Presidium Council, Theys H. Eluai,
on November 10, 2001.
The government and its apparatus continues to execute, slaughter, arrest
and detain Papuans.
The Indonesian government issued various laws concerning the creation of
new regencies and provinces in Papua, as well as other Presidential Instructions
and state regulations which contradict with Law No. 21, 2001 regarding Special
Autonomy for the province of Papua.
The rapid spread of HIV/AIDS threatens the existence of the people and
nation of Papua.
The existence of the Papuan people is threatened by acts of poisoning.
The Indonesian government fails to address illegal logging, illegal
mining, and illegal fishing in Papua.
The Indonesian government occupies land owned by indigenous people using
tactics of coercion, terrorism, intimidation and false promises to build
military and civil infrastructure.
Indonesian security forces wage overt and covert intelligence operations
that cause Papuans to live in fear.
The government and its security apparatus stifles democracy through
threats and intimidation towards human rights workers and Papuan activists.
The Indonesian government fails to protect the political rights of
indigenous Papuans to the effect that legislative and executive institutions are
dominated by non-Papuans.
The government and its security apparatus facilitates, supports, and
protects Indonesian nationalist militia groups and various other groups created
by the Indonesian military in order to create internal conflicts in Papua.
The Indonesian government supports officials who engage in corruption in
The government of Indonesia is slow to take action on producing and
implementing special local regulations and provincial regulations.
The Indonesian government stifles the authority of the Papua People’s
Assembly to the point that it is unable to defend the basic rights of indigenous
In light of the realities described above, we
the leadership of various components of the Papuan struggle declare in unity the
PAPUA NATIONAL CONSENSUS as follows:
1. ALL PAPUANS
To prevent the extinction of Melanesians in
Papua, to put an end to internal disagreements, and to create togetherness and
Papuan national unity based on similar understandings and points of view, as
well as to prevent internal conflict among leaders of the Papuan struggle, every
Papuan and component of our national struggle has a responsibility to:
promote awareness that all people of our nation are one people, namely
the Papuan people, of Melanesian descent and of the Negro race in the Pacific
and are not Indonesian people of Malay descent from Cambodia-Yunan;
promote mutual consideration and respect among all Papuans, from Gak
Island, in the West, from Adi Island to the Arafura Sea in the southwest, Mapia
Island to the North and Papua New Guinea to the East, regardless of tribe,
religion, gender, and age, we unite as fellow Papuans and develop our
promote dialogue among fellow Papuans to put an end to various
longstanding forms of suffering experienced by Papuans;
consider all components, organizations, and factions of our struggle to
be assets in our endeavor to liberate the Papuan nation;
make use of Papua’s natural resource potential for the sake of our
struggle in order to create justice, peace and freedom for the Papuan nation,
respect, value, and offer full support to each and every Papuan and
supporter who struggles privately or publicly in diverse ways to determine
his/her own fate and to create justice, peace and respect for human rights in
the nation of Papua.
2. IN INDONESIA
In order to solve the conflict in Papua in a
dignified manner, every Papuan and component of our struggle, in alliance with
supporters in various regions of Indonesia, collectively endeavors to pressure
the Indonesian government to:
in union with Papuan representatives, find a peaceful solution through
dialogue facilitated by a neutral third party;
enable access by foreign monitors, researchers, human rights workers and
journalists who wish to visit Papua;
respect Papuans and treat Papuans with dignity;
end political manipulation and other forms of oppression such as murder,
terrorism, and intimidation of Papuans;
respect the liberty of Papuans to hold opinions, to gather and to
liberate all Papuan political prisoners and detainees.
3. IN THE INTERNATIONAL ARENA
To prevent loss of life and to end the violent
conflict between the Indonesian government and the nation of Papua, every Papuan
and component of our struggle, in alliance with sympathizers in various nations,
struggles at the international level to:
- encourage the United Nations and the governments of the United States,
the Netherlands, and other nations to re-examine the PEPERA conducted in 1969 in
- encourage foreign nations to withhold financial assistance for the
Special Autonomy funds from the Indonesian government until the government
consents to a free and open dialogue mediated by the United Nations;
encourage the United Nations to create an opportunity for Papuans to
determine their own fate in accordance with international human rights
standards, international legal principles, and United Nations conventions;
- encourage foreign nations to pressure the Indonesian government to allow
foreign observers, researchers, diplomats, human rights workers and journalists
to visit Papua;
- encourage the international community in alliance with indigenous Papuans
to care for, protect and preserve Papua’s forests as lungs of the earth, and to
prevent all forms of destruction, and
- encourage international human rights organizations to investigate
human rights abuses in Papua from 1963 to the present day.
This is the Papua National Consensus to which
we lend our wholehearted support. Let this consensus unite our perspectives,
agendas, and the direction of our united struggle. This consensus unites and
binds each component and faction of our struggle to take responsibility for
implementing its principles for the sake of creating justice, peace, and freedom
Papua National Consensus takes effect from the following date, and any
outstanding issues that have not been addressed in this consensus will be
addressed in the future.
Finalized : In Jayapura
On : May 14 2009
PEOPLE ONE SOUL