Bahasa Indonesia version
West Papua Report
June 2010
This is the 73rd in a series of monthly reports that focus on
developments affecting Papuans. This series is produced by the non-profit West
Papua Advocacy Team (WPAT) drawing on media accounts, other NGO assessments, and
analysis and reporting from sources within West Papua. This report is
co-published with the East Timor and Indonesia Action Network
(ETAN) Back issues are posted online athttp://etan.org/issues/wpapua/default.htm Questions
regarding this report can be addressed to Edmund McWilliams at edmcw@msn.com.
Summary
The West Papua Advocacy Team editorially notes that Papuans are welcoming
the June visit of President Obama to Indonesia with the hope that the
administration will seek to build a new U.S.-Indonesian relationship not based
on military and commercial interests but rather founded on common respect for
human rights and democracy. That hope fuels Papuan beliefs that such a
transformation in the U.S. perspective could bring about fundamental change in
their plight, an increasingly desperate situation in which the U.S. is
historically complicit. A military ultimatum to a rebel leader in the Papuan
central highlands and thus far small scale military operations there are raising
fears of a massive "sweeping operation" when the ultimatum expires in June.
Initial reports indicate that operations may have begun ramping up at the end of
May. In the past such operations have uprooted thousands of civilians and led to
many civilian deaths. Leading
U.S. legislators have strongly cautioned the U.S. administration against
resuming training and other assistance to the Indonesian Special Forces
(Kopassus). Those forces are among the most prominent violators of human rights,
especially in West Papua. Also in the U.S. Congress, Congressman Patrick Kennedy
has launched a resolution in the U.S. Congress which expresses the sense of the
House of Representatives regarding the human crisis facing Papuans. The
resolution, now gaining support in the U.S. House of Representatives, calls on
the Government of Indonesia to address human rights concerns, including the
abuse of detainees. An
editorial by a senior official in Human Rights Watch has again called attention
to extraordinary abuse of prisoners in West Papua and decried the
unaccountability of the abusers. Indonesian authorities have again prevented
international journalists from documenting peaceful civil dissent in West Papua.
An Amnesty International report is strongly critical of the Indonesian
government's continued repression of dissent noting in particular the use of
torture against peaceful demonstrators. The
Indonesian government is moving forward with plans for a massive "food estate"
in the Merauke area of West Papua. The plan has drawn strong criticism from
Papuan and international observers concerned that the government-organized
in-migration of very large numbers of non-Papuans to work in the estate will
further marginalize Papuans, amounting to what could be described as creeping
genocide. Environmentalists have also voiced concern about the destruction of
vast stretches of forest and peatland which will significantly increase carbon
emissions.
Contents
"Food Estates" in West Papua Raise
Fears of Systematic Marginalization
Editorial - West Papua Advocacy Team
The Audacity of Hope In
West Papua
President Obama's upcoming visit to Indonesia presents an opportunity for the
American leader to inaugurate a new U.S.-Indonesian relationship, heralding what
could be a key Asian Pacific partnership. But such a transformation of a
long-troubled relationship will require a fundamentally new basis for that
relationship. Through the administrations of nine U.S. Presidents, the
U.S.-Indonesian relationship has been shaped by the self-serving ambitions of
U.S. strategic defense planners and U.S. corporations. U.S. military planners
and corporate interests, for decades, allied with a brutal dictator and his
corrupt entourage in an amoral bargain that traded U.S. political and military
support for Indonesian allegiance to the West in the Cold War and Indonesian
willingness to serve as a platform for corporate exploitation of its vast
natural resources.
|
The incompleteness of "reformasi" is reflected in
today's Indonesia, where a powerful and unaccountable military continues
to play the role of enforcer for a corrupt elite which colludes with
international corporate interests for profit. U.S. government/corporate
political and economic support for the old corrupt elite and especially
for the ousted dictator's military have been an important constraint on
democratic progress in Indonesia.
|
A people's campaign demanding "reformasi" succeeded in 1998 in ousting the
brutal Suharto dictatorship, but failed to reform the corrupt elite-based
system, backed by an abusive military which continues in power. The
incompleteness of "reformasi" is reflected in today's Indonesia, where a
powerful and unaccountable military continues to play the role of enforcer for a
corrupt elite which colludes with international corporate interests for profit.
U.S. government/corporate political and economic support for the old corrupt
elite and especially for the ousted dictator's military have been an important
constraint on democratic progress in Indonesia.
Nevertheless, the popular democratic reform movement, despite intimidation, has
scored important gains. Largely democratic elections have empowered Presidential
administrations which have broadened freedoms and given vocal if not always
substantive support to popular calls for respect for human rights and military
reform and accountability.
This progress is strikingly absent in one part of the Indonesian archipelago. In
West Papua, the old Suharto Dictatorship rules still apply. Security forces
rampage through rural areas in purported search of armed militants but in the
process displacing thousands of civilians. Popular dissent in West Papua is met
with the "security approach" through which security forces use Dutch colonial
and Suharto era laws and regulations to criminalize free speech and peaceful
dissent. Peaceful demonstrators are imprisoned for years on charges of
"subversion" or "treason" for peacefully displaying the Papuan "morningstar"
flag or for challenging the 1969 "Act of Free Choice" annexation of West Papua,
widely viewed abroad as coerced and undemocratic. Critics of the central
Government's policies are labeled as "separatists" and subjected to extra-legal
security force intimidation or incarceration in facilities which the UN and
other human rights monitors have described as health and even life threatening.
The Suharto era policy of "transmigration," through which millions of
Indonesians were transferred
from one archipelago island to another, creating generations of social conflict
between the migrants and local peoples, has been re-initiated
in West Papua. As in the past, people on the receiving end of these policies
suffer the unreimbursed seizure of property and economic and political
marginalization. New oil palm and food "estates" pose the prospect of
accelerated destruction of forests and, ultimately, transformation of Papuans
into a powerless minority within their own homeland.
Papuans see in the visit of President Obama, an innovative leader who is himself
a member of a racial minority, hope for change in what has been over four
decades of privation and abuse. They are keenly aware that the U.S. conspired in
the transfer of their homeland to Indonesian control under the aegis of the
infamous 1969 "Act of Free Choice." They are also aware that U.S. corporations
have been among the most destructive of their natural resources and that the
U.S. long backed some of the most abusive elements of the Indonesian military,
notably the special forces or "Kopassus."
Their hope that President Obama, a Nobel Peace Prize laureate, might bring
fundamental change to their plight rests on the simple but powerful expectation
that this President will seek to establish a new relationship with Indonesia,
based on respect for human rights and genuine democratization. It is an
audacious hope.
New Bloodshed in
Papuan Central Highlands
Tensions are again intensifying in Mulia area in the Papuan Central Highlands
region of Puncak Jaya. On May 21, unknown personnel attacked Indonesian military
(TNI) near Yambi, 75 kms from Mulia. That attack followed a May 17 TNI attack on
a purported base of the Papuan Independence Organization (OPM) near Goburuk
village in which one alleged local leader was killed. The spokesperson for the
police, Senior Commander Agus Rianto, claimed that the victim was shot while
trying to escape. Although Rianto claimed the victim had been involved in an
earlier OPM attack, the police spokesperson appeared to contradict himself by
noting that the body of the victim was being held for identification.
This violence follows the killing of three construction workers in April,
purportedly carried out by the OPM. Separately, Papuan human rights defenders
have reported that the Indonesian military have been launching sweep operations
during the third week of May in the Tingginambut district. According to the
report, homes
in three villages have been burnt, two people killed, one woman raped, and all
livestock in the three villages killed by Indonesian military.
|
In the past such sweep
operations have forced civilians to abandon their villages and seek
shelter either with relatives or in the surrounding jungles where food
shortages and lack of medical care have led to illness and death. Such
sweep operations often continue for months, disrupting local trade and
preventing villagers from tending local gardens. Security forces have
also prohibited humanitarian relief operations from reaching the
besieged civilian populations.
|
Indonesian security authorities have given the local OPM commander Goliat Tabuni
until June 28 to surrender to authorities. Papuans in the area have expressed
fear that the Indonesian military (TNI) will launch broader "sweep operations"
on or soon after that date on the pretext of searching for Tabuni's OPM
personnel. In the past such sweep operations have forced civilians to abandon
their villages and seek shelter either with relatives or in the surrounding
jungles where food shortages and lack of medical care have led to illness and
death. Such sweep operations often continue for months, disrupting local trade
and preventing villagers from tending local gardens. Despite desperate
circumstances, security forces have also prohibited humanitarian relief
operations from reaching the besieged civilian populations.
Local officials, without offering evidence, speculated that "intellectual
activists" could have inspired the alleged OPM attacks. Puncak Jaya District
Chief ("Regent") Lukas Enembe claimed that government efforts to win the support
of the local community against the pro-independence forces had been unsuccessful
because "activists" had "provoked" the community. Such claims, in the past, have
been used to justify military pressure on NGO, church and other personnel in the
area.
Note: As this report was being finalized there were reports from
West Papua of Indonesian military attacks in Jambi, Sinak Ilu and Tingginambut
districts in the Puncak Jaya. Although details in this initial reporting are
lacking, the accounts from West Papua indicate that seven people have been
killed in these military operations which include military use of rockets,
bazookas and grenades.
Prominent U.S. Senators and Congresspersons Urge No Assistance to Kopassus
Thirteen U.S. Congressional leaders, including Chairs of the Senate and House
Foreign Affairs Committees, have
written to Secretary of State Clinton and Secretary of Defense Gates strongly
urging caution with regard to purported Administration plans to resume U.S.
cooperation with the Indonesian Special Forces or "Kopassus." The May 13 letter
stated plainly: "we do have serious concerns with the Administration's intention
to reengage with Unit 81 of the Indonesian Special Forces, known as Kopassus."
The letter questioned the Indonesian military's "willingness to cooperate with
the United States and Indonesian civilian justice institutions in permanently
removing human rights violators from military ranks and in holding senior
officers accountable for past abuses." The senior legislators also expressed
doubts about the effectiveness of the "vetting process" which allegedly would
screen out individual human rights violators from any U.S. programs.
The letter called into question Indonesian government assurances regarding
Kopassus reform and insisted that the Administration engage with the Congress
before any final decision is taken. It called for "prior consultation with
Congress before engagement with Kopassus and an annual review ... to ensure that
our assistance meets the requirements of U.S. law and fulfills our broader
interests."
The unusually strong Congressional reaction to the prospect of U.S. military
assistance to Kopassus coincides with persistent criticism of the proposal from U.S. and Indonesian NGOs
who, inter alia, have noted the June 2009 Human Rights Watch report "What
Did I Do Wrong" which detailed Kopassus abuse of Papuan civilians. The
letter also has prompted a statement from Papuan elders that strongly commends
the U.S. Congress for its May 16 letter.
New Congressional Resolution on
"Crisis in Papua and West Papua" Gaining
Support
Congressman Patrick Kennedy has launched a
resolution in the U.S. Congress expressing
the sense of the U.S. House of Representatives regarding the "Human Rights
Crisis in Papua and West Papua. The resolution, now working its way through
Congress, calls on the Government of Indonesia to report to the international
community specific progress made regarding:
(A) the end of abuse of those detained by authorities in
Papua and West Papua and prosecution of those guilty of that abuse;
(B) actions taken by the Government of Indonesia to improve conditions of
incarceration, especially in Papua and West Papua;
(C) measures taken to protect the right of its citizens to peaceful assembly
and association as well as the freedom of speech and specifically symbolic
speech, such as raising banners or flags;
(D) compatibility of Indonesian law that criminalizes peaceful political
dissent and conflicting Indonesian commitments concerning the rights to
freedom of speech and assembly guaranteed by international covenants to
which Indonesia is a party, to include the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights; and
(E) provision to or access to detention facilities in West Papua by
recognized human rights monitoring institutions, including the International
Committee of The Red Cross; and
(2) the Government of Indonesia should allow an independent, third party
human rights organization to review prison conditions with special attention
to Papuan inmates and on the basis of that review, formulate a series of
recommendations to the Government of Indonesia that would facilitate prison
and legal reforms especially to
(A) address deficits in facilities, personnel training, and procedures for
the purpose of improving the humanitarian treatment of those detained;
(B) formulating procedures, including judicial reform and legal remedies to
ensure that prison authorities face appropriate punishment for mistreatment
of those detained; and
(C) encourage reform of the Indonesian criminal code and sentencing
procedures to ensure that they reflect Indonesia's commitments under
international undertakings and Indonesia's own legal obligations to protect
fundamental human rights, including the rights to freedom of speech and
peaceful assembly and association.
Leading International Human Rights Voice Decries Thuggery in
Indonesian Prison
In a May
18 piece appearing in the Jakarta Globe, Elaine Pearson, Human Rights
Watch's Asia chief, wrote a scathing commentary that focused on the brutality
that persists in Indonesia's prisons. Pearson drew specifically on a recent
rampage by guards at a prison in West Papua. In early May, a government move to
replace the widely condemned brutal Abepura (West Papua) prison warden Ayorbaba
led to a rampage by prison guards who severely beat prisoners. HRW and others
had specifically condemned Ayorbaba for his failure to control prison guards who
have beaten prisoners, in some instances causing permanent injury. In a widely
condemned incident, Ayorbaba has prevented prisoner of conscience from obtaining
urgently needed medical attention.
Ayorbaba's much delayed removal was finally prompted by a recommendation by the
Indonesian National Human Rights Commission (Komnas Ham). Pearson emphasized
that while welcome, Ayorbaba's removal was insufficient to address the gravity
of the crimes that have transpired under his watch. He and others who have
violated human rights - and Indonesian law - should be prosecuted. Pearson also
called for the Indonesian government to allow the International Committee of the
Red Cross (ICRC) to resume its visits to prisons in West Papua. The Government
expelled the ICRC from West Papua in April 2009.
Human Rights Watch has been a perceptive and persistent observer of the human
rights environment in West Papua. Its fact-based analyses and recommendations
have an important audience in Washington and internationally.
Press Freedom Again
Under Assault in West Papua
The Indonesian Government has detained
and expelled two French journalists from
West Papua. The two were detained May 26 while filming a peaceful political
protest in the Papuan capital, Jayapura (aka Port Numbay). Indonesian
authorities said neither of the two journalists had the special permits required
for foreign journalists to work in West Papua. Indonesia prohibits foreign
journalists from working in West Papua without a special permit. The practice
has been roundly criticized internationally, including
by members of the U.S. Congress, human rights organizations and others.
|
We are condemning the government move to keep the
journalists from doing their work. There should not be any limitation to
what the reporters can or cannot cover as long as it does not violate
press laws,"Victor Mambor, chairman of the
Papua chapter of the Independent Journalist Alliance (AJI) said.
|
One of the French journalists, Baudoin Koenig, protested the Indonesian action
noting, "I
completely complied with all the rules and have all the necessary documents," he
said, adding that he had a valid journalist visa and a foreign journalist press
card issued by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
Indonesian journalists have joined in criticism of this latest example of
constraints on press freedom in West Papua. Victor Mambor, chairman of the Papua
chapter of the Independent Journalist Alliance (AJI), said
the government had crossed the line. "We
are condemning the government move to keep the journalists from doing their
work. There should not be any limitation to what the reporters can or cannot
cover as long as it does not violate press laws," he
said.
Indonesian efforts to obscure the behavior of its officials, notably its
security officials, have also extended to diplomats, who must notify the
government of plans to go to West Papua. The Indonesian government, in April
2009, expelled the International Committee of the Red Cross from West Papua,
after that Nobel Peace Prize laureate visited a prison in West Papua.
Amnesty International
Report
Amnesty International's annual report shed
light on continued violence and discrimination targeting Indonesia's
minority and religious groups. The report included an account of police
excesses in West Papua where, it said, "Police torture was widespread during a
series of arrests, interrogations and detentions." It also noted in West Papua,
"Security forces also allegedly committed unlawful killings."
According to the report, the Indonesian government continued to repress basic
democratic rights, and Indonesia has limited freedom of expression detaining 114
people in 2009 (throughout Indonesia) for public statements or demonstrations of
dissent. The Amnesty report assessed: "The
overwhelming majority [of those detained] were peaceful political activists who
were sentenced to terms of imprisonment for raising prohibited pro-independence
flags in Maluku or Papua."
Amnesty International also noted that those who sought to defend the rights of
others were often themselves the targets of abuse. It reported that the
government continued to intimidate and harass human rights activists and that "at
least seven [human rights defenders] faced criminal defamation charges." It
concluded that "most past human rights violations against [human rights
defenders], including torture, murder and disappearances, have remained unsolved
and those responsible have not been brought to justice."
"Food Estates" in West Papua Raise Fears of
Systematic Marginalization
A study compiled and released by Septer Manufandu of Papua NGOs Cooperation
FORUM includes a highly skeptical review of plans for a "food estates" to be
created in the area of Merauke. The report, only the latest of a series of
negative reviews, underscores the consequences for Papuans of a migration of
vast numbers of non-Papuans into the area to work the estates.
|
The incompleteness of "reformasi" is reflected in
today's Indonesia, where a powerful and unaccountable military continues
to play the role of enforcer for a corrupt elite which colludes with
international corporate interests for profit. U.S. government/corporate
political and economic support for the old corrupt elite and especially
for the ousted dictator's military have been an important constraint on
democratic progress in Indonesia.
|
The fate of Papuans who now inhabit and work the targeted land according to the
report is dire with expectations that they will be pushed aside to make way for
newcomers and "development," as had been the plight of Papuans in the past. The
Government itself has estimated that as a consequence of the "estate" project in
Merauke, the local population could grow from a current figure of 175,000 to
800,000, most of these presumably non-Papuan migrants. Reputable Papuan NGO's
have calculated inflows of migrants as a result of central government-planned
'development" projects in West Papua will grow to millions, easily overwhelming
the Papuan population of approximately two million. Papuan Governor Suebu has
spoken of his concern about uncontrolled migration into Papuan territory and has
urged the local Parliament to explore legislation that would impose some degree
of control over the influx.
The Merauke Integrated Food and Energy Estate (MIFEE) is but the first of seven
such food-producing estates being planned for West Papua. It will encompass an
area of 1.6 million hectares. Thus far, 32 companies have expressed an interest
in investing in the project, and six of these have already been granted
licenses.
The Estate was also the subject of sharp criticism by the Aliansi Masyarakat
Adat Nusantara (AMAN) which delivered a statement April 23 to the UN Permanent
Forum on Indigenous Peoples in New York. The
statement, endorsed by 26 Indonesian and international NGOs, noted
in part:
"This kind of large-scale business in Indigenous
Territories, without their Free, Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC) will only
exacerbate the human rights situation, leading to forced evictions and other
human rights violations." The statement included several recommendations,
among these that "the Government of Indonesia invite the UN Special
Rapporteur on the Situation of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms of
Indigenous Peoples and the UN Special Rapporteur on the Rights to Food, to
visit and to make a report concerning the situation of Indigenous Peoples in
Merauke and West Papua in general, affected by MIFEE and other business
development."
Although the Forestry Ministry has said the project would utilize "idle
forestlands in Merauke," environmentalists worry that the projects would add to
massive deforestation and harm efforts to cut carbon emissions. In this context,
the estates could jeopardize an international agreement between Indonesia and
Norway intended to protect forestlands. The Governments of Norway and Indonesia
in late May signed
an agreement that requires
Indonesia to desist from destruction of forests and peatland in exchange for a
$1 billion grant from the Norwegian government.
WPAT Comment: WPAT fears that these planned food estates will deprive Papuans
of their traditional resources for hunting and fishing and destroy the very
basis of their livelihoods. This would follow the pattern of other such
"development' schemes, most notoriously the Freeport McMoran copper and gold
mine, which has displaced thousands of Papuans and has destroyed vast stretches
of pristine forest. The mine has transformed an entire river system, the Ajkwa,
into a disposal system for mine tailings, in the process destroying vast
stretches of trees and polluting the riverine environment.
The massive influx of government-organized, non-Papuan migrants to this "estate"
in Merauke, and to other planned "development" projects could fundamentally
alter the Papuan-migrant balance in West Papua. Considering the massive
migration envisioned in the government planning, the projects could hasten the
impact of past government policies and actions that have had the effect of a
creeping genocide that relegates Papuans to a politically and economically
disempowered minority status in their own homeland. Investors, particularly
foreign investors, complicit in this planning could incur significant
responsibility for such an outcome.