West Papua Report
December 2010
This is the 80th in a series of monthly reports that focus on developments
affecting Papuans. This series is produced by the non-profit West Papua
Advocacy Team (WPAT) drawing on media accounts, other NGO assessments, and
analysis and reporting from sources within West Papua. This report is
co-published with the East Timor and Indonesia Action Network
(ETAN). Back issues are posted online at http://etan.org/issues/wpapua/default.htm. Questions
regarding this report can be addressed to Edmund McWilliams at edmcw@msn.com.
If you wish to receive the report via e-mail, send a note to etan@etan.org.
Summary:
During his November 9-10 visit to Indonesia, President
Obama and President Yudhoyono unveiled a "comprehensive partnership" that
strongly reflects Washington's traditional perception of Indonesia as a
platform servicing U.S. security and commercial interests. A key element of
the "partnership," broadened security ties, comes at the expense of human
rights and democratization which are under growing threat from corrupt and
unaccountable Indonesian security forces. Secret Kopassus documents released
by investigative journalist Alan Nairn reveal that the targeting of senior
members of Papuan civil society is official policy, approved at senior
levels. Papuans used the occasion of President Obama's visit to protest the
denial of self determination and the continuing devastation of local
resources by the U.S. mining giant Freeport McMoran. Journalists have
complained loudly over Indonesian government subterfuge regarding the trial
purportedly of security personnel involved in the torture of Papuans. On
December 1, Papuans and their supporters in West Papua and in cities around
the world celebrated the day in 1961 when the Papuans declared their
independence from Dutch colonial rule. A late November visit to West Papua
by President Yudhoyono and many members of his cabinet failed to address
long-standing Papuan concerns. A statement by an Indonesian military leader
indicates military intent to deepen already substantial military involvement
in commercial activities in West Papua.
Contents:
Security and
Commercial Interests Drive Obama Administration Policy in Indonesia
President Obama's brief November 9-10 visit to Indonesia revealed a
Washington policy firmly rooted in previous administrations' narrow
perspectives. The "comprehensive partnership," formally
announced during the visit as
the centerpiece of U.S.-Indonesian relations, is reminiscent of decades-old
U.S. policy towards Indonesia. The "partnership” affirms the intent to
broaden educational exchanges and offers lip-service to purportedly shared
global goals related to the environment and democratization. However, at its
core, the accord betrays the same lack of vision that characterized U.S.
relations with the Suharto dictatorship and its successors: e.g.,
Indonesia's importance to the United States is as regional leader capable of
counter-balancing China, as a market for U.S. goods and (especially)
services, and as a source of raw materials and cheap labor.
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President Obama offers a toast during State Dinner
with President Yudhoyono' at the Istana Negara State Palace Complex
in Jakarta, Nov. 9, 2010. (Official White House Photo by Pete Souza) |
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Missing is any U.S. recognition of the growing challenges to democratization
and stability that beset Indonesia. Indonesian democracy is increasingly
hostage to an ambitious, corrupt and unaccountable military and police, as
set forth in a WPAT
letter to President Obama. Nowhere is this security force brutality and
rogue behavior more in evidence than in West Papua where video
footage of security force murder, torture and beatings of
Papuans in recent months has slipped through a cordon of silence enforced by
the security forces to hide systematic brutality there. The extent of this
brutality was revealed during the Obama visit by investigative journalist Alan
Nairn who released secret Kopassus documents that
make clear that intimidation and brutalization of Papuans smeared by Jakarta
as "separatists" is official policy. The documents lay bare the deliberate
falsehood perpetrated by the Government of Indonesia (and gullibly accepted
by foreign governments) that egregious security force human rights abuse in
West Papua are anomalies perpetrated by individual personnel acting outside
their orders. In fact, such abuses are revealed as systematic and doctrinal.
The documents also firmly establish chain of command responsibility for
these abuses extending to the most senior levels of the Indonesian military.
The "comprehensive partnership" contains, as a fundamental element, a
strengthened and expanded bilateral security force relationship initially
announced by U.S. Secretary of Defense Gates during a July 2010 visit to
Jakarta. That expanded relationship remarkably includes collaboration
with Indonesian Special Forces (Kopassus), which had been denied U.S.
assistance since its infamous role in the 1998 riots in Jakarta and other
major Indonesian cities. Kopassus's
continuing abuses and unaccountability as
documented in a June
2009 Human Rights Watch report, has demonstrated that unit's
unwillingness to reform.
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Missing is
any U.S. recognition of the growing challenges to democratization
and stability that beset Indonesia. Indonesian democracy is
increasingly hostage to an ambitious, corrupt and unaccountable
military and police.
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Inclusion of security sector cooperation, including with Kopassus, as a key
element of the "partnership" ignores what had long been bicameral and
bipartisan U.S. Congressional
objection to restoration of
ties with Kopassus. Restoration of ties with Indonesia’s special forces, as
well as continued
U.S. support for "Detachment 88," the
purported anti-terror unit, credibly and repeatedly accused of human rights
violations, provides Kopassus and all Indonesian security forces an
imprimatur of U.S. approval that removes critical pressure for reform. The
decision to move forward broadly with U.S. military assistance also
communicates a disheartening message to Indonesian reform advocates who have
pressed for such reform in the face of security force intimidation up to and
including murder.
See also Statement
of East Timor and Indonesia Action Network
on President Obama's Visit to Indonesia
Release of Secret Indonesian
Military Documents Proves Human Rights Abuse Indonesian Government Policy
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Allan Nairn |
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The November 9 release of a 25-page secret report by a Kopassus task force
in Kotaraja, Papua, conclusively demonstrates that human rights violations
in West Papua is Indonesian government policy. The
document, released by investigative journalist Alan Nairn, identify
individual senior members of Papuan civil society and clergy as targets for
intimidation and abuse. The task force alleges without evidence that they
harbor "separatist" goals. While senior Indonesian government military and
civilian officials have long groundlessly alleged separatist sympathies
among Papua's civil society, the document are unique as they name the
targets for attack and explicitly ordain extralegal measures by security
forces to be employed against them. The report indicates that such actions
are supported at the highest levels of the Indonesian military. Moreover,
calls for action to impede and prevent Papuans from peacefully exercising
fundamental freedoms including the right of association and of free speech
constitute clear violations of Indonesia's obligations under the International
Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and
the International
Covenant on Economic, Cultural and Social Rights, both acceded to by
Indonesia in February 2006. They also violate Indonesian law affirming these
rights.
Responding to the leak, Indonesia’s armed forces commander confirmed
to the Jakarta Globe that his
troops conduct intelligence
gathering operations in Papua. According to the newspaper, Adm. Agus
Suhartono “rejected the idea that gathering intelligence among civilians was
wrong, saying all intelligence operations in Papua served to detect and
prevent separatist threats.” He “added the operations were always carried
out by officers sent over from the military’s central command, including
from Kopassus and other elite units.”
See also Democracy
Now!: As
Obama Arrives in Jakarta, Secret Docs Show U.S.-backed Indonesian Special
Forces Unit Targets Papuan Churches, Civilians
Papuans Risk
Arrest and Mistreatment in
Appeal to President Obama during His Visit to Jakarta
Hoping to draw the attention of President Obama and the international media
that accompanied his entourage to Jakarta, Papuans in various cities
demonstrated peacefully. An unknown number of demonstrators in Jayapura were
detained despite the peaceful nature of their November 6 march. In Jakarta,
a WPAT team member monitored a two hour peaceful march of over 100 Papuans
to the gates of U.S.-based gold and copper mine Freeport McMoran. The
protesters carried banners critical of the U.S. and Indonesian governments
for denying Papuans the right of self determination and also decrying
Freeport's decades of destructive exploitation of Papuan resources and
violation of Papuan rights. During their march the protesters followed
instructions of accompanying police to minimize disruption of Jakarta's
mid-day traffic. Some demonstrators sat down in the street blocking several
lanes of a major Jakarta thoroughfare near Freeport’s corporate offices,
after they were denied permission to enter and meet with officials. Police
were initially confused by the tactic but eventually struck at least one of
the demonstrators and briefly detained three forcing the demonstrators to
the side of the road.
Jakarta Authorities Mislead about
Trial of Purported Torturers
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Describing the event as"classic
bait and switch" and "a red herring,"Journalists
claimed to us that they had been deliberately misled, "they wanted
to make the story go away before the Obama visit," said one
Jakarta-based journalist.
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Indonesian and international media reporting on the eve of President Obama's
visit to Indonesia initially claimed that Indonesian justice had acted with
unusual speed in the case of the security personnel shown torturing two
Papuans in video footage that circulated widely in October (see November
West Papua Report ). In
Jakarta a WPAT member heard international and Indonesian journalists express
consternation that Indonesian authorities had misled them about the identity
of the security personnel who appeared in court in Jayapura November 4.
Describing the event as "classic
bait and switch" and "a red herring," the journalists explained that in
reality the police personnel who appeared in court were not the ones
involved in the torture videos but rather were personnel who had been shown
beating villagers in separate video footage that had surfaced at the time of
the torture videos. Journalists claimed to us that they had been
deliberately misled, "they wanted to make the story go away before the Obama
visit," said one Jakarta-based journalist.
The
November 4 court proceeding in any event was flawed. Three low-ranking
officers of the Pam Rahwan Yonif 753/Arga Vira Tama squad, based in Nabire,
Papua, were
sentenced to five months imprisonment for
their beating of bound Papuan villagers in March 2010. Second Lt. Cosmos
was sentenced to seven months in prison by the same court. The sentences
were more than the three months proposed by military prosecutors but in the
eyes of most observers were not commensurate with the seriousness of the
crime. Indonesian courts regularly sentence Papuans charged with peaceful
protest to imprisonment for ten to fifteen years.
Papuans and International Supporters Celebrate Independence
Day
On December 1, Papuans and their supporters in West Papua and in cities
around the world celebrated the day in 1961 when the Papuans declared their
independence from Dutch colonial rule. The day was marked with peaceful
demonstrations at the Indonesian embassy in Washington D.C. where Amnesty
International rallied on the sixth anniversary of the arrest of prisoner of
conscience Filep Karma. Demonstrations were also held in New Zealand,
Australia and elsewhere.
President Yudhoyono's
Visit to West Papua Deepens
Resentments
Papuan officials publicly criticized President
Yudhoyono's late November visit to West Papua. Weynand Watori, head of the
Provincial Legislature's (DPRD) Commission A said the visit decried the
President's unwillingness to engage in a dialogue with the people. Watori
noted specifically the President's failure to address human rights
violations or the people's rejection of special autonomy as proposed by the
central government but never effectively implemented.
The President was accompanied by nearly all members of his cabinet, as well
as people from the anti-corruption commission and the state finance
investigation agency.
The President did not meet with the Papuan Customary Council (DAP) which has
been particularly vocal in its criticism of the Government reliance on the
"security approach" to address political, cultural and social problems. In
July, DAP firmly rejected Jakarta's "special autonomy" policies, acting at
the behest of thousands of demonstrators in Jayapura and local
constituencies throughout West Papua.
Indonesian Military Leader's Statements Foreshadow Growing
Role for Military in West Papua
Indonesian daily Republika
on November 23 carried
comments by Indonesian Armed Forces (TNI), Major General Suprapto that
indicated TNI intent to expand its role in the exploitation of natural
resources. His remarks suggest strongly that the TNI is eyeing an expansion
of its already significant commercial activities in West Papua. According to
Suprapto, the TNI must be given a role to play in support of infrastructure
(development), especially in "isolated regions such as conflict areas, outer
lying islands and along land borders with other countries." (West Papua is
one of the few "outer islands" with foreign land borders and which is
regarded as a "conflict area.") Suprapto specifically called for closer
coordination between the TNI and key ministries dealing with forestry and
maritime affairs and fishing. The TNI has long been credibly accused of
involvement in illegal logging and collusion with illegally operating
foreign fishing vessels, especially in and around West Papua.
Notwithstanding legislation requiring the TNI to divest itself of an empire
of legal and illegal businesses by fall 2009, the TNI continues to evade
civilian control through maintenance of a major flow of funds outside the
civilian-controlled budgetary process; i.e., through its business empire.