| Subject: West Timor Humanitarian NGO Forum
Memo to UN delegation
The following is the full text of the primary document presented to the
U.N. Security Council delegation by a group of individuals representing
local NGOs in West Timor. The full names of the witnesses (here given as
letters to protect them) were in the original document.
Humanitarian NGO Forum of West Timor
Information for the United Nations Security Council Delegation
Regarding the Situation in West Timor
In view of recent developments in West Timor in relation to the
Indonesian Government's implementation of UN Resolution 1319 and the
situation of the refugees from East Timor, we feel it is important to
convey some of the results of our observations and investigations in the
field to the Security Council delegation. We do this solely because of our
commitment to a humane solution to the refugee problem and in the interest
of providing an accurate picture of the situation in West Timor. We wish
to convey the following information:
1. Confiscation of Weapons: According to Security Council Resolution
1319, 8 September 2000, confiscation of weapons in the hands of militia in
West Timor is imperative. For this purpose the Indonesian government,
through the National Police, instigated "Operation Tuntas Komodo
2000." The main task of the operation was to remove weapons from the
hands of the pro- integration militias operating in West Timor. The
operation was begun with a surrender of weapons by the Force for the
Integration Struggle ("Pasukan Pejuang Integrasi" or PPI) to the
police, which was personally witnessed by Vice President Megawati
Sukarnoputri in Atambua on Sunday, 24 September 2000. In relation to the
surrender of weapons, there are several points we wish to stress:
a. The surrender of weapons in Atambua on 24 September was a trick
perpetrated by the Indonesian government via the National Police and the
Army in order to deceive the international community. The weapons that
were displayed in that ceremony were not the result of recent
confiscations or surrender as a result of Res. 1319, but were in fact
weapons taken from militias a year ago when they first arrived in West
Timor. The weapons were brought from Kupang in the back of a Kijang pickup
truck on Friday, 22 September 2000. The announced total of 800 weapons was
also a falsification. A more realistic figure is 200-300 weapons,
consisting of 19 standard military rifles, and the remainder home-made
weapons.
b. The confiscations under Operation Tuntas Komodo 2000 by combined
teams of police and army in the refugee camps since 29 September brought
no results. Not a single weapon was actually taken from the hands of
militia or refugees. The weapons and ammunition totals that were announced
by the NTT Provincial Chief of Police had in fact been surrendered
voluntarily by the militias. Militia Commander of Sector C (western East
Timor) Cancio Lopes de Carvalho provided this information at a seminar at
the Hotel Cendana in Kupang on 14 October 2000. Furthermore, he stated
that the army and the police have failed to implement confiscation
operation. Thus, the government claims that these weapons were confiscated
in Operation Tuntas Komodo 2000 do not clearly reflect the truth of the
matter. Most of the surrendered weapons were from the militia commanders
and the pro-integration elites. As an implication, we believe that a large
number of militia members are still holding their weapons. Based on our
findings, when weapons searches failed to turn up any results, the police
persuaded militias to make homemade weapons expressly for the purpose of
surrendering them to the police as evidence of their "success."
(Information from witnesses is appended)
c. Many weapons, ammunition, and grenades are still in the hands of
militia. When searches were made in the camps, they hid them outside the
camps by burying them in the ground after wrapping them in carbon paper to
foil metal detectors. (Witness's account appended)
2. Disbanding of Militias/PPI: The official account of the Indonesian
government (police and army) is that the militias, or PPI, were disbanded
in a ceremony in Atambua in December 1999. De jure this may be true, but
de facto the activities and organizational structure of the militia/PPI
are still in place up to the present time. The proof of this is, among
others:
a. The militias are still under the command of their respective unit
commanders, as for example Aitarak militia led by Eurico Guterres,
Halilintar militia under Joao Tavares, Saka-Baucau under the command of
Joanico Cesario, and Mahidi militia led by Cancio Lopes de Carvalho. This
is confirmed by the repeated public declarations of these militia leaders
that they still have a force under their command. In a seminar at Hotel
Cendana in Kupang on 14 October Cancio Lopes de Carvalho told participants
that he had sent some of his men into East Timor to conduct guerrilla
activities. Another example, militia Saka-Baucau is still very powerful in
the camps of Naibonat and Tuapukan, in the outskirt of Kupang. The whole
command structures under Juanico Cesario are still functioning. This was
proven when an aid organisation wanted to work in those two camps, they
were asked by Saka militia to work through their structure. Cancio, with
other militia commanders had sent two letters to the Secretary General of
the United Nations on behalf of PPI (Force for Integration Struggle).
b. The mass action that led to the killings of UNHCR staff in Atambua
on 6 September 2000 revealed the coordinating role of Vice Commander of
Laksaur (Suai) Ijidio Manek and Nemecio Lopes de Carvalho (Vice Commander
of Sector C) in leading the attack.
c. At the funeral of Olivio Mendousa Moruk in Betun, south Belu, the
continuing role of the militias was clear. They lined up in uniform and
conducted a military ceremony under the leadership of Eurico Guterres.
d. In Atambua on 8 November 2000 the Halilintar militia under the
command of Joao Tavares staged a public show of force (which they called a
"show of peace.") Tavares also urged the refugees in Atambua not
to talk to the UN Security Council delegation.
To develop an atmosphere of free and safe choice for the refugees in
determining their future and to restore security in West Timor, we urge
the United Nations Security Council to demand to Indonesian government and
military to disband all the militias and confiscate their weapons
immediately. That would only be effectively implemented if the UN deploys
military observers in West Timor along the process of implementation.
3. The handling of the murders of UNHCR staff in Atambua: There are two
matters of concern to us. Firstly, according to the police report, the
investigation has reached completion and is ready to be surrendered to the
prosecutors. However, according to our investigations, those apprehended
by the police are not the actual perpetrators. This has also been admitted
by Nemecio Lopes de Carvalho, who says that those arrested are only
"stand- ins." (quoted in Kupang based newspaper Radar Timor, 3
November 2000). Unfortunately the police have never investigated
Carvalho's statement. In view of these concerns, we urge the Security
Council to prevail upon the government of Indonesia (through the
provincial police of NTT) to obtain the testimony of Nemecio de Carvalho
in the Atambua murder case, because he is a key witness. Secondly, we are
concerned about the role of the police and army in providing security to
the UNHCR humanitarian aid workers at the time of the attack. Their
apparent failure to do their duty has received little public attention.
According to reliable sources, the plan for a demonstration in Atambua by
refugees from Betun on 6 September was known to the authorities in the
afternoon of 5 September. Why did they not take appropriate preventive
action? Furthermore, when the masses left Betun they were guarded by a
group of army soldiers. Yet when the crowd entered Atambua, according to a
statement of a Catholic priest in Atambua, the guard disappeared. What is
the reason for this? Quite many witnesses among the Atambuan crowd at that
time indicate that a few moments before the attack on the UNHCR compound,
Strategic Forces (Kostrad) personnel were also withdrawn. Why? Then, when
the attack began, the police and army remaining near the compound fired
warning shots, but then withdrew and pushed forward a group of unarmed
East Timorese police and army personnel. What was the intention of this
maneuver? In light of these events, we urge the Security Council to ask
the Indonesian government, through the Attorney General's office, to make
further investigations into the handling of the incident by security
forces and to take appropriate disciplinary action against those
responsible both directly in the field and within the chain of command.
4. The refugees should be given a secure and safe atmosphere in the
process of determining their future. Access to truthful information has to
be guaranteed, as well as a free choice space. Demilitarisation of all
refugee communities should be a precondition to the registration and other
things to follow. Meanwhile the registration process should be conducted
by independent parties. Organisation with obvious political interests,
like UNTAS, should not be involved in all parts of registration process.
We demand that the UN Security Council pressure the Indonesian government
to conduct the registration process in a transparent, fair, and honest
manner.
5. The refugees in West Timor still need humanitarian aid. The presence
of international aid organisations is very crucial, since the capacity of
Indonesian government and local organisation is very limited. We urge the
UN Security Council to ask the Indonesian government to guarantee the
security and safety of humanitarian workers.
6. At last, we urge the UN Security Council to give a definitive time
frame to the Indonesian government to solve the refugee situation
thoroughly. This is to prevent a continuous worsening refugee situation in
West Timor.
These are our concerns, based on the information we have conveyed
above. We hope this information will be helpful to the Security Council
delegation in its evaluation of the implementation of Resolution 1319 in
West Timor.
Kupang, 14 November 2000
Humanitarian NGO Forum of West Timor JKPIT Lap Timoris Lakmas Pikul
TRuK-Flores Posko Atambua CIS GMKI
Addenda: Witnesses regarding confiscation of weapons
1. Testimony of X, militia member from Viqueque, residing at the
Tuapukan camp near Kupang. X says that on Friday, 29 September 2000,
beginning at 7:00 a.m. a weapons confiscation was carried out by the
police and army. All the barracks were searched, but not a single weapon
was found. Then, X says, "A policeman whose name I don't know asked
me to make a rifle and give it to him. He said it was so the outside world
would know that they had succeeded in confiscating weapons from the
Tuapukan camp. I didn't want to, because I had nothing to make it with.
What for? It would just be a waste of time." (Interview, 29/9/00)
2. Testimony of Y, Saka militia member from Baucau, residing at the
Naibonat camp near Kupang. Y said that he was asked by a policeman (whose
name he did not want to mention) to make weapons. He was offered Rp. 5,000
for each one he made, which would be paid to him later by Eurico Guterres.
3. Testimony of Z, Rusafuik militia member (under leadership of
Hermenio da Costa da Silva). Z lives at the camp at the abandoned leather
factory in Noelbaki. He said that all weapons were hidden several days
before the confiscation operations began. Weapons such as homemade rifles,
grenades, swords and machetes were hidden by burying them after they were
wrapped in carbon paper, in order to avoid metal detectors. The location
of the buried weapons is far from the camps, mostly near the fields. Z was
not willing to reveal their precise location.
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