Subject: Yayasan Hak Report on Pro-integration Gangs
Date: Sat, 17 Apr 1999 08:35:22 -0400
From: "John M. Miller" <fbp@igc.apc.org>From: raimata@worldnet.att.net
Date: Sun, 11 Apr 1999 02:42:42 -0500 Subject: Yayasan Hak Report on Pro-integration Gangs
Yayasan Hak Jl. Gov. Serpa Rosa no. T-095 Lt. 1 Farol - Dili, Timor Timur Telp.: +62
390 313323, Fax.: +62 390 313324
Terror, Violence and Intimidation: ABRI and the Pro-Integration Militia in East Timor
Report on the Human Rights Situation in East Timor for the period January to March 1999
Introduction Entering 1999, the process of resolving the 23-year old East Timor problem
had bright prospects. The Portuguese and Indonesian governments were continuing
negotiations under the auspices of the United Nations and had reached several points of
agreement regarding East Timor’s political status. Even though nothing concrete had
emerged out of the negotiations, the UN thought them worthy of continuing since there had
been progress and several sensitive points had been addressed. Meanwhile, the
international community was playing a more active role in encouraging the Indonesian
government to peacefully resolve the problem and improve the human rights conditions in
East Timor.
In response to these international developments and the changes inside Indonesia
itself, the Indonesian government undertook several positive steps, such as announcing the
withdrawal of about 400 ABRI soldiers out of 21,000 total soldiers. Then, on January 27
1999, the Indonesian government released an important statement about the possibility of a
“second option”: the option of “releasing” East Timor from the
Republic of Indonesia. Soon after, the leader of the resistance movement and the president
of the CNRT, Xanana Gusmao, was transferred from Cipinang prison to a special detention
house so that he could be more effective in contributing to the process of a peaceful
resolution.
The resistance movement itself welcomed the Indonesian government’s offer and
expressed its commitment to peacefully resolving the problem in East Timor. Xanana Gusmao
declared that it was necessary to peacefully reconcile the pro-independence and
pro-integration forces in East Timor. In order to support that process, he called for all
rank and file members of the resistance to stop their armed struggle and reduce their
public activities that could be considered “threatening” to pro-integration
groups. As part of this process towards a peaceful resolution, he also met with a number
of pro-integration figures and government officials, including the leadership of ABRI in
East Timor.
Nevertheless, these positive developments were disrupted, perhaps even destroyed, by
the ABRI-backed pro-integration gangs which terrorized and intimidated civilians in East
Timor. By April 8, there were a documented 40 fatalities and 22 wounded as a result of
gunfire or use of other weapons, 77 victims of torture, eight people arbitrarily arrested,
three people missing and two rape victims. Moreover, more than 18,091 civilians were
forced to take flee their homes and take refuge in more secure places in order to escape
the gangs’ terror. They usually took shelter in religious places and other shelters
considered secure.
Violence, terror and intimidation committed by the armed pro-integration gangs and ABRI
obviously betrays the ongoing process of peacefully resolving the problem. The leader of
Mahidi gang, Cancio de Carvalho, operating in the area of Ainaro and Suai, stated that if
the East Timorese reject the offer of wide-ranging autonomy, there will be a bloodbath. In
mid-March, the right-wing militia Darah Merah, led by Lafaek Saburai, issued a circular
that threatened the East Timorese and the resistance movements and called the acts of the
pro-integration gangs against civilians too “lenient.” Such threats from the
leaders of these gangs are regularly reported by the mass media.
These have not been idle threats. The gangs have been committing all kinds terrorist
acts. It is obvious that their terror campaign is part of an attempt to sabotage the
process of peacefully resolving the East Timor problem and asserting their political will.
The fact that the government and ABRI have not seriously responded to their actions
indicates that the officials do no object to the presence of the pro-integration armed
gangs who clearly violate the national law of the Repulic of Indonesia. Likewise, as will
be shown in this report, the government and ABRI have given their political,
institutional, and financial support to these armed gangs.
This brief report is the result of investigations conducted by Yayasan Hak in East
Timor and is based on both received complaints and field surveys since December 1998. The
intention of writing this report is to present the background regarding the controversy
over civil war. The Indonesian government has justified ABRI’s presence with the
allegation that East Timor would collapse into civil war if the troops were withdrawn.
This report is going to show that, on the contrary, ABRI’s presence has become the
main stumbling block to the peaceful resolution of the problem.
The “Two Options” Proposal and the Reaction of the Pro-Integration Groups On
January 27, 1999, the Indonesian government, through the Foreign Minister Ali Alatas,
released a statement about the possibility of a “second option” for East Timor,
that is, freeing East Timor from the authority of the Indonesian government. The statement
surprised many parties including the pro-integration group. Even though Ali Alatas then
revised the statement, there were all sorts of reactions to it in East Timor. The
pro-integration figures, with ABRI support, formed several armed gangs which, as their
official statement puts it, are meant to “defend one’s self from the attacks of
the pro-independence groups.” On various occasions leaders of the pro-integration
gangs confirm that they receive support from ABRI though ABRI officials themselves deny
this. In the cases described below, it is obvious that ABRI played a role in the formation
and activities of the pro-integration armed gangs.
The following is the description about several armed gangs which have been formed over
the past few months:
1) Aitarak. This gang operates around Dili under the leadership of Eurico Guterres. In
1988, Guterres was detained by the Indonesian military because he was suspected to be
involved in a plot to murder President Suharto when he visited Dili. After he was
released, he became the member of Gada Paksi which was established by Gov. Abilio Osorio
Soares with the support of Kopassus which was under Lt. Gen. Prabowo Soebianto at that
time. Other than that, Eurico Guterres is also known as the leader of a gambling racket at
the inter-city bus terminal in Tasi Tolu and several other places. After Alatas announced
the possibility of “second option”, Eurico and his supporters established
Aitarak militia and announced Dili as their area of operation.
2) Besi Merah Putih. This gang, established on December 27, 1998, operates in
sub-district Maubara, district Liquica, under the leadership Manuel de Sousa. He was a
member of the PDI-fraction in the DPRD 2nd level Liquica from 1992 to 1997. In the first
few months after its establishment, the gang recruited its members from ordinary peasants,
old people and boys younger than 18. According to some sources, the process of recruitment
was done through terror, intimidation, death threats, and stigmatization as
“pro-independence” people. Those who finally agreed to join the gang were
promised a wage of 25,000 Rp. per day. This group is one among those who are very active
in terrorizing, intimidating, wounding and killing civilians.
3) Halilintar. This organization was initially formed in 1975 by a king from Atabae
named Mayor Tabesi. Now this organization is led by Joao Tavares, previously the head of
Bobonaro and head of 2nd level DPRD Bobonaro. According to some sources, Tavares seized
the leadership of the organization from Manuel Maia and simultaneously changed the
character of it into a pro-integration armed gang designed to force civilians to support
integration. This group operates in the area of Bobonaro and its vicinities and is often
involved in violent acts against civilians. A while ago, with the support of ABRI
officials, Tavares was appointed the War Commander of the Pro-Autonomy Forces.
4) Mahidi. This group was formed at the end of December 1998 at village Cassa,
subdistrict Ainaro under the leadership of Cancio Lopez da Carvalho, a worker in the
provincial justice office in East Nusa Tenggara. They claim that Mahidi was formed as an
attempt to protect themselves from the pro independence youth and Falintil yet in reality
it is the civilian population which now seeks protection and flees from the brutality of
this gang. According to the testimony of the people of Cassa, this gang terrorized and
intimidated people to recruit members and threatened to kill anyone who refused to become
part of Mahidi. At this time, Mahidi has about 1,000 “members” and 37 automatic
weapons obtained from ABRI. This group operates in the area of Ainaro and Suai.
5) Saka. This group was formed during ABRI’s Operasi Kikis (Scraping Off
Operation) in 1983. During this operation, ABRI used East Timorese people as frontline
shields as it hunted down Falintil. This group was initially led by Juliao Fraga. This
gang was involved in many killings during the operation in Bacau. After Juliao Fraga was
shot dead Oct. 24, 1994 his leadership was taken over by the vice-commander Sgt. Joanico.
On March 20, 1999 this group took a ritual oath to remain loyal to Indonesia. The
headquarters of this gang is in the village Lai-Sorulai, sub-district Quelicai, district
Bacau, and has weapons such as AK-47s, M-16s, and hand grenades obtained from ABRI.
Besides these groups there are a number of others. In the east, there are Team Alfa,
Team Sera, and Team Makikit. In the central region, there are Gada Paksi, Kamra, and
Commando Darah Merah, and AHI. In the south, there are Tatarah, Team Ablai, Laksaur Merah
Putih, and Loromea. In the west, there is the Naga Merah. All these gangs are led by
pro-integration figures and gain support from ABRI. In several inaugurations of these
gangs, the local ABRI officials, such as the Kodim commanders and civil government
officials have attended. As was mentioned before, these gangs often force people to become
members and threaten those who reject membership. In sub-distict Zumalai for example,
Mahidi gang with the support of ABRI’s Ratih militia, entered hamlets to force people
to become members. Feeling threatened, many people registered themselves as members while
many others fled to avoid the pressure. In village Viviquina, subdistrict Maubara,
district Liquica, on January 26, 1999, a member of Koramil 03, Maubara, second Sergeant
Abilio forced the villagers to register themselves as members of Ratih. Similar actions
were taken by the Besi Merah Putih gang in village Maubara Lisa on the same day. This wave
of coerced membership occurred especially between December 1998 and January 1999 when the
gangs began to recruit from ordinary civilians.
Government and ABRI Support Judging from the appearance of the members of these gangs
who oftentimes wear uniforms and carry automatic weapons, it is obvious that they have
some kind of support from a “third party,” meaning ABRI. In various interviews
published in the mass media, the leaders of these gangs, such as Cancio Lopes de Carvalho,
admitted that there was support from ABRI even though the Minister of Defense/Commander of
the Armed Forces, Gen. Wiranto, repeatedly denied this statement. In some cases, ABRI
support was even shown openly with the presence of local ABRI officials attending official
ceremonies held by these gangs.
The close connection between the gangs and ABRI has appeared during their “joint
operations.” On Dec. 27, 1998 in sub-district Maubara, the Gada Paksi gang
accompanied by BTT 143 troops arrested and tortured four local people and then raided the
villagers’ houses. As a result, there were 143 people from this village who fled to
Dili. Some of them took refuge in their relatives’ houses, while others hid in the
house of Manuel Carrascalao, the head of GRPRTT.
On February 15, 1999, members of Besi Merah Putih gang along with Koramil 03 Maubara
and BTT 143 troops attacked village Guiso sub-district Maubara and arrested a number of
people including women and children. Those who were arrested were brought to the BTT 143
post and tortured. In village Zulo, sub-district Zumalai, district Kovalima, Mahidi gang
and troops of BTT 143 attacked the villagers on March 21 1999 and arrested a young man
named Atanasio Magno (30 years old).
Even though all these gangs do not have a clear legal status nor foundation, the
government and ABRI have not taken any action against them. In the mass media, the
government continuously threatens the pro-independence groups if they dare to do anything
which violates the law. But they don’t do anything against the armed gangs whose very
existence is in violation of national law. It is not at all clear whether they have
licenses to own and use automatic weapons though there is a law which requires ABRI
permission for civilians to own and use such weapons. There is no law permitting gangs
like this to replace the function of the police to “secure the society” much
less harm members of the society. It is important to note here that none of these cases of
killing, arrest, torture, and arbitrary detention, have ever resulted in the punishment of
the perpetrators though the authorities are fully aware of these actions.
All this time, the leaders of these gangs have stated that they are “compelled to
take up arms because they want to be prepared for any violence by the pro-independence
group.” Moreover, they always say that their goal is to defend integration with
Indonesia, commonly formulated with the slogan “Defend the Red and White Flag.”
From the data gathered, it is obvious that the attacks on the civilians rarely has any
clear rationale; they are not reactions to attacks from the pro-independence group. In
some cases, the gangs initiated an armed conflict that was then “settled” by
ABRI troops. For instance, on February 15, the Besi Merah Putih gang backed by Koramil 03
Maubara and BTT 143 troops attacked village Guiso, sub-district Maubara. They arrested
several villagers including the security offiicials in Guiso and a woman with a late term
pregnancy and took them to the BTT 143 post. The next day, the community in the Guiso
village came to that post and asked for the release of their friends. On February 23, the
villagers learned that those who detained the friends wanted to make peace and have the
sub-district head of Maubara serve as the mediator. On the same day, the villagers came to
where the meeting was supposed to be held and waited for the gang to show up. Fifteen
minutes later, the sub-district head of Maubara and Koramil 03 commander arrived at the
meeting place accompanied by members of BTT 143 and Besi Merah Putih gang. The
sub-district head and the Koramil commander who were in the front car shot at the
villagers waiting for them and injured at least four people.
Actually, the intention of the gangs to defend integration with Indonesia is highly
suspect since the victims of their attacks include the local officials and civil servants.
For instance, in Maubara, on February 2, 1999, about 15 members of Besi Merah Putih gang
stopped a car in which the vice-head of 2nd level DPRD Liquisa was riding. Once the car
was stopped, the members of this gang suddenly threw stones at them without any clear
reason. The passengers (vice head of DPRD and his family) managed to save themselves but
their car was confiscated and until now the car is still being used by members of Besi
Merah Putih gang for their operations. From the statements appearing in the mass media, it
is also obvious that the members of the pro-integration gangs just want to assert their
own will and act upon their own group’s interests, not the interests of the East
Timorese in general not even those of Indonesia. Another victim who is a civil servant is
Carlos Alberto (40 years), a staff member at the office of plantations in Liquica. He was
terrorized by the Besi Merah Putih gang and accused to be a supporter of the guerrillas in
the jungles. These gangs often use this accusation to justify their actions which are
obviously in violation of the existing law.
“Civil War Scenario” In response to the widespread demand that there should
be a referendum as the most democratic means for determining the future of East Timor, the
government and ABRI often say that this will only create civil war. This is also the
apparent reason for allowing the pro-integration gangs to use automatic weapons in
violation of the law and ignoring all the crimes of the gangs. Therefore, while the
government always expresses the concern that there will be a civil war in East Timor, it
allows, even supports, the creation of a conflict that can develop into a full-scale
“civil war.” From the above description, it is obvious that ABRI has been
involved in almost every case of pro-integration gang violence, either directly or
indirectly. As of now, the Indonesian government has not taken any concrete steps to
prevent this situation from deteriorating any further.
The government has never seriously considered the offer for reconciliation and peace
from the resistance. On the contrary, the government continues to allege that the
pro-independence side obstructs a peaceful resolution. Nevertheless, the evidence compiled
clearly shows that it is the Indonesian government, ABRI and the pro-integration armed
gangs who are sabotaging the present attempts at peace and reconciliation. The government
has not even responded positively to the National Commission for Human Rights proposal to
establish a peace commission nor to the UN suggestion to establish confidence building
measures among the conflicting sides.
In response to these developments, the leadership of CNRT has recently stated that the
East Timorese should adopt any means necessary to defend themselves. In their official
statement of April 6, 1999, they said that the terror from the pro-integration gangs and
ABRI can not be tolerated any longer. Therefore, all pro-independence forces have been
called upon to protect the people. The authorities in Jakarta immediately pounced upon
this statement as a declaration of war and displayed it as “evidence” that the
pro-independence side indeed wants “civil war.” Equipped with this
“evidence”, the pro-integration armed gangs and ABRI brutally massacred
civilians who had taken refuge in the compound of Liquica church on April 7, 1999. This
incident resulted in at least 25 deaths and dozens more wounded. With the support of the
mass media, the government tried to explain away the massacre by calling it “an
unavoidable consequence of civil war” and tried to distract public attention by
making a major issue of Xanana Gusmao’s statement though Xanana himself already
corrected the statement.
Conclusion and Recommendations Considering the development of the general situation in
East Timor and referring to the cases of killing, terror and intimidation, it can be
concluded that: 1. The pro-integration armed groups with the support of ABRI have
committed acts of terror and intimidation to sabotage the peaceful resolution of the
problem and maintain the status quo in East Timor. This kind of terror has been noticeably
increasing as the time approaches to hold the vote on East Timor’s future status. 2.
ABRI is in East Timor not as a mediator but as one main party to the conflict. The myth
that ABRI tries to reconcile the two conflicting groups has been undermined by the
evidence of ABRI’s involvement in so many cases of conflict. This concept of a civil
war is nothing more than an invention by the authorities to hide their own involvement in
the violence, terror and intimidation. 3. The pro-integration armed groups have strove to
maintain the status quo and take advantage of Xanana Gusmao’s call to his supporters
not to do any activities that could provoke violence. 4. By deploying these
pro-integration armed gangs, the Indonesian government and ABRI attempt to displace
responsibility from themselves for any human rights violations which occur.
Based on the above conclusions, several recommendations can be proposed:
1. ABRI should be withdrawn from East Timor and support to the pro-integration armed
gangs should cease. 2. The pro-integration armed gangs should be armed and disbanded. 3.
There should be an investigation by an independent team for all cases of human rights
violations and these should be reported to the Secretary General of the United Nations and
other international institutions. 4. There should be fair trials for all perpetrators of
human rights violations 5. The United Nations should immediately send peacekeeping forces
to monitor the process of peacefully resolving the problem.
Dili, April 9, 1999 Jose Luis de Oliveria
(Note: original report comes with table on the number and
location of the internal refugees from pro-integration gang terror.)
Back to April Menu
Human Rights Violations in East Timor
Main Postings Menu
June '98 through February '99 |
