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Winter 2007 Home
East Timor hits potholes on the road to
independence
Support Democracy! Become an Election Observer
Petroleum dependency
Support Resolution on “Comfort Women”
U.S. Re-engages the Indonesian Military: Rights, Democracy Suffer
Justice Remains Distant for East Timorese
Crimes Against Humanity From Ford to Saddam
Munir Update
Chega!’s Recommendations & the U.S.
Madison-Ainaro Sister City Alliance Maintains Solidarity Links
New Year Dawns with Threats to Human Rights in West Papua
Obituaries
Estafeta
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U.S. Re-engages the Indonesian Military
Rights, Democracy Suffer
By John M. Miller and Ben Terrall
On his return from last November’s Asia Pacific Economic
Cooperation (APEC) summit in Vietnam, President Bush briefly
touched down in Indonesia to meet
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. Demonstrations against the visit highlighted
popular outrage against the Bush administration’s Middle East policies.
The historic botanical gardens where Bush was scheduled to
arrive in Bogor, 40 kilometers south of Jakarta, to meet Indonesian president
Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono were dug up to build an enormous asphalt landing pad
for Bush’s helicopter. In the end, Bush landed in a nearby Sports Center.
Prior to the visit, ETAN coordinated
a public letter to Bush
from 53 U.S. human rights, labor, religious and peace groups condemning the
failure to hold the Indonesian military (TNI) accountable for years of serious
human rights violations. The groups wrote, “restrictions on U.S. assistance to
the Indonesian military are essential to promote concrete, demonstrable progress
in the areas of military reform, accountability, and respect for human rights in
Indonesia and Timor-Leste.”
The primary focus of discussions between the two Presidents was
economic development and facilitation of trade deals, but Condoleeza Rice did
tell Indonesian television that the meeting would give Bush a chance to discuss
U.S.-Indonesian military relations. Bush administration support for the TNI is
now a given. Normalization of military relations accelerated when, taking
advantage of a loophole, the
final legislated restrictions on
weapons sales were waived on November 22, 2005. Thus there was little need to
make additional assistance in this area a major item on the November visit’s
agenda.
Subject to Debate
Military assistance to Indonesia will likely again be a subject
of debate in Congress. The mid-term Democratic takeover has put members in key
positions who support continued pressure on the Indonesian military and
government for reform and accountability. For the past 15 years, Congress has
often led U.S. efforts to promote democratic change, self-determination and
human rights in Indonesia and East Timor, dragging reluctant administrations in
its wake. ETAN believes that Congress should fully restrict Foreign Military
Financing, military training programs, like International Military Education and
Training (IMET), and export licenses for defense articles for Indonesia in the
Fiscal Year 2008 Foreign Operations Appropriations Act. In the coming months,
ETAN will be meeting with these committee and subcommittee chairs, as well as
other members, about ways to step up pressure and put human rights front and
center in relations with Indonesia.
The Bush administration’s decision to remove all restrictions on
assistance to the TNI has essentially eliminated U.S. government leverage which
heretofore had been used to assist democracy and human rights advocates in
Indonesia to campaign for Indonesian military reform, accountability and an end
to human rights abuses.
According to Ed McWilliams, an advisor to ETAN who headed the
political section of the U.S. Embassy in Jakarta in the late 1990s, “Bush
Administration support for the TNI has expanded vastly beyond levels seen at any
time in the last 15 years. TNI impunity, corruption and violation of human
rights has continued and in some ways worsened. TNI involvement in illegal
logging continues unchecked in West Papua and elsewhere. Efforts
to hold TNI senior officials responsible
for their orchestration of the 1999
bloodbath in East Timor have ground to a halt. Similarly, despite promises that
justice would be done in the 2004 murder of leading human rights
advocate Munir, senior ex-military
officials implicated in the crime
have not been prosecuted. In West Papua intimidation of human rights advocates
have continued forcing some to
flee abroad. Others face daily abuse in jail
as political prisoners.”
(See article page 11)
McWilliams added, “It is a cruel irony that as the Bush
Administration chooses to ignore the absence of TNI reform in favor of
recruiting the TNI as an ‘ally in the war on terror,’ that ally continues to be
a key sponsor of terror groups in Indonesia, including Islamic fundamentalist
groups such as Laskar Jihad and the Front for the Defense of Islam, among
others.”
The Human Rights Watch World Report 2007 criticized ongoing
impunity for Suharto era crimes: “Military reform efforts have largely stalled.
At this writing, there was no government plan to review the country’s defense
structure, which is currently based on a territorial defense model… Some
government officials also
continue to actively resist measures
to bring soldiers before civilian courts to answer for non-military crimes.”
“Longstanding rules against military
profit-seeking have not been enforced,”
according to the Indonesian human
rights group Kontras. “The business practices of military enterprises have
helped sustain the reputation of the Indonesian military as abusive, corrupt and
largely above the law. Troops are breaking the law, violating human rights and
hiding the money they make on the side. Military reform means getting soldiers
out of business and prosecuting those who broke the law.”
Outspoken Generals
The increasing outspokenness of a number of prominent retired
generals shows how quickly the military becomes rankled by even modest efforts
at reform. The disgruntled TNI veterans are questioning the legitimacy of the
government of their former colleague, President Yudhoyono. “There has been talk
about asking Dr. Yudhoyono to step down, proceeding with impeachment and even
some chatter about a revolution,” according to the Straits Times.
In its final report, East Timor’s official
Commission for Reception, Truth and
Reconciliation called on governments to make military assistance to Indonesia
“totally conditional on progress towards full democratization, the subordination
of the military to the rule of law and civilian government, and strict adherence
with international human rights.” (See
article page 7)
In their November letter to Bush, the U.S. groups urged him “to
maintain the best leverage the U.S. has—withholding prestigious U.S. military
assistance, including foreign
military financing and training
such as IMET and JCET — to demonstrate that the U.S. government’s commitment to
these issues goes deeper than words to actual action.” ETAN will be stressing a
similar message to the new Congress.
Ben Terrall is a San
Francisco-based writer. John M. Miller is the Brooklyn-based National
Coordinator of the East Timor and Indonesia Action Network. An earlier
version of this article appeared on Counterpunch.org.
see ETAN's
U.S.-Indonesia Military Assistance pages
Munir Update
In September 2004,
Munir, one of Indonesia’s
leading human rights lawyers was murdered somewhere over Hungary.
While flying to the
Netherlands to continue his studies,
Munir was poisoned with arsenic.
An off-duty airline pilot on the same
flight, Pollycarpus Budihari
Priyanto, was soon
arrested, and eventually convicted of murder. Phone logs showed that
Pollycarpus had made dozens of calls to a top intelligence
official around the time of
the murder. But intelligence officials have yet to be effectively
questioned, and airline staff who flouted regulations
to ensure Pollycarpus’ presence on the
fatal flight have not been
prosecuted either.
Then, in a shocking setback, in October 2006 the
murder conviction was overturned by the Indonesian Supreme Court due
to lack of evidence. Pollycarpus remained in prison on a related
forgery charge until Christmas Day, when the only person ever
prosecuted in the case walked out of prison.
But Munir’s friends and family have not given up.
Just weeks after the Supreme Court decision, Munir’s wife, Suciwati,
came to the United States, where she met with U.S. and UN
officials. Following her
briefing to the House
Human Rights Caucus, members of Congress wrote a letter to President
Yudhoyono calling for progress. After the UN’s special rapporteur on
extrajudicial killings promised to raise his concerns with the
Indonesian government, officials
in Jakarta reacted angrily, saying there
was no need for international
involvement in a domestic matter.
By keeping the case in the spotlight at home and
abroad, Munir’s friends and family have kept alive some hope of
accountability. In January,
the Attorney-General’s office announced plans to file a request for
a review of the Pollycarpus
verdict by the Supreme Court.
The Indonesian
police also recently requested technical assistance from the FBI.
This is a welcome development, although there is no guarantee that
such cooperation will be effective. While technical assistance may
help develop new leads and evidence, the crucial missing factor has
always been political will.
Munir was a skilled lawyer and careful researcher.
But perhaps his most important contribution was to show by example
that there was no need to fear the soldiers and spies of Indonesia’s
dictatorship. The rest of us now owe it to him to prove that he was
right, and that, in the end, the guilty are punished and their
victims enjoy justice.
To learn more about Munir and take action on his
case, go to:
http://www.kontras.org/munir/ or
http://www.humanrightsfirst.org/defenders/hrd_indonesia/hrd_indonesia_munir.asp.
—Matt Easton, Human Rights First |
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