Subject: CSM: After years of pressure, Indonesia
takes a hint
From: "John M. Miller" <fbp@igc.apc.org>Received from Joyo:
The Christian Science Monitor Wednesday, February 10, 1999
After years of pressure, Indonesia takes a hint
Two decades of condemnation and new internal woes force Indonesia to weigh freedom for
East Timor.
Minh T. Vo Special to The Christian Science Monitor
UNITED NATIONS, N.Y.
When Iraq invaded Kuwait in 1990, the world community went to war.
But when Indonesia invaded East Timor in 1975, the world used a different tactic - the
shame of condemnation - that may now be paying off.
Beset with internal woes, the giant Southeast Asian nation is talking with the United
Nations about possibly letting the tiny, Roman Catholic half-island go free. Officials in
Jakarta say keeping the troubled province is not worth the foreign pressure - which
sometimes came in the denial of aid, arms, and respect.
The pressure came in many forms: resolutions by the US Congress, a Nobel Peace Prize to
two East Timorese, European support for Portugal's attempt to help its former colony.
With its troubled politics and economy, "Indonesia is in a very difficult period.
The decision has been made to get rid of whatever problems they can," says Daniel
Lev, professor emeritus of political science at the University of Washington in Seattle.
"The most obvious one is East Timor, from which Indonesia gets no great benefit and a
great deal of anxiety."
A round of UN-sponsored talks between Indonesia and Portugal that ended Feb. 8 made
more incremental progress toward determining the outcome for Indonesia's 27th province, a
claim the UN has never recognized. The UN considers Portugal the administering power.
Who wants what
But the East Timorese themselves can be excused for appearing frustrated and
disillusioned at the same time. Though Indonesian Foreign Minister Ali Alatas said his
country could rescind its 1976 annexation of the former Portuguese colony if the East
Timorese reject an autonomy plan, he stood impervious to calls for a referendum, fearing
that such a vote would establish a precedent for separatists around the archipelago with
its mostly Muslim population.
Mr. Alatas insists that some other means should be employed to ascertain people's
opinion. "A referendum is not the way to proceed because of the inherent risks and
dangers," he says. "What we have asked from the UN ... is to find a way short of
a referendum to consult the views of the East Timorese in the most effective way. We don't
know exactly what the form will be."
UN mediator Jamsheed Marker and Portuguese Foreign Minister Jaime Gama have been
consulting with a number of East Timorese. Alatas suggests that the contacts can be
broadened as a substitute for a referendum, a suggestion unpalatable to Lisbon. "I
cannot see the UN having another methodology for ascertaining the view of any people
except the way of democracy and the way of voting process," Mr. Gama said.
This issue promises to be a major sticking point in the trio's next meeting on March
10. East Timorese independence leader Jose Ramos-Horta, co-winner of the 1996 Nobel Peace
Prize, insists that a referendum would favor independence.
Autonomy would be accepted only as a transition to independence, Mr. Ramos-Horta
coveyed to UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan, who has been actively involved in the talks.
And this, Ramos-Horta added, must be preceeded by a drastic reduction of Indonesian
troops, a demobilization of paramilitary groups, a gun collection program and UN observers
on the ground, and identifying eligible voters.
Alatas, however, said that if the UN determines that East Timor rejects the autonomy
plan currently being drafted, he would recommend in August to a newly elected legislature
"to part ways with East Timor." An autonomy leading to independence would not be
considered by Jakarta.
"Why should we, Indonesia, be asked to apply wide- ranging autonomy as a special
treatment to East Timor, while the other provinces will just look on?" said Alatas.
We would "continue to bear the burden of its financing, continue to bear the burden
of all kinds of accusations if anything goes wrong? And then at the end of the period,
have the people tell us, 'thank you very much, we are now ready for independence.' "
Many community leaders in the East Timor capital of Dili now recognize that, after the
long occupation, it will take years for East Timor to develop its economy enough to
support itself as an independent country.
"We don't want to proclaim independence tomorrow and immediately after ask other
people for money and for help," says Leandro Isaac, director of the East Timor
Reconciliation committee. Even leaders who have struggled for decades for independence are
now calling for a "transition" period overseen by the UN.
"The Indonesian army are now distributing weapons in East Timor, and these weapons
are going to people who prefer integration with Indonesia. What that does basically is to
set up a civil war," says Mr. Lev. "A transitional period to prevent that is
very important."
A military's economy
In Dili, nearly every business in the underdeveloped territory of 830,000 people
depends on the occupying military for subsistence.
Indonesia has spent money here - the military has built roads and a hospital. But most
of the infrastructure supports the troops and has little bearing on the lives of people.
A once-thriving agriculture, for instance, that exported thousands of tons of coffee
annually, has been used by the Indonesian military to serve its own needs. Farmers grow
rice for the soldiers on East Timor, and a portion of the harvest is shipped off to other
islands in the archipelago.
Veteran independence leaders, such as Ramos-Horta, foresee a jobs-creating tourism
industry that would be lost if the Indonesian administration left with the military.
"Jakarta is trying to put the onus on the international community," says an
official with a Western aid organization active in East Timor, "but they can't expect
us to pay for all of the transition to independence."
And other indications of the difficulties facing East Timorese as they confront the
prospect of independence are everywhere.
Pro-Indonesian groups are terrorizing supporters of indendence, according to Manuel
Carrascallao, a community leader. "If the military hadn't given out any weapons, we
wouldn't have had any violence," he says, referring to the reports of dozens of
killings and acts of intimidation.
In other parts of the territory, villagers identifying themselves as pro- independent
proudly flaunt crude spear-throwers that use hundreds of rubber bands to propel metal
spear heads from long wooden staffs.
"They can really fly - as far as one to two hundred yards," said a Western
observer who met with the villagers.
Carrascallao and others suggest that the military has handed out the weapons and
encouraged acts of violence as part of a ploy to make the outside world believe that its
continuing presence is necessary - to keep the peace. The military contends it has armed
the pro-integration groups to provide them with the means of "self-defense"
should East Timor become independent.
Talk of a UN observer mission to East Timor has cropped up, but have not grown yet. A
UN contingent would be costly. But the UN may not have a choice. A peaceful resolution to
the East Timor problem would be a diplomatic coup this year for Mr. Annan, who suffered a
lot of criticism this past year for problems with his talks with Iraqi President Saddam
Hussein and Libyan leader Qaddafi.
>From 1992 to 1996, there have been eight rounds of talks on the foreign minister
level, with Indonesia refusing to consider even autonomy for East Timor. Jakarta put up a
tough stance despite international indignation, which mounted after a 1991 massacre of as
many as 200 peaceful demonstrators in Dili. Washington suspended some arms sales to
Indonesia. Last June, three European Union ambassadors visited Dili, although they had to
curtail their trip due to escalating violence. But these had limited impact on talks. In
the final analysis, Jakarta's economic and political turmoil may have been East Timor's
best ally.
• Mahlon Meyer contributed to this story from Dili, Indonesia.
East Timor Chronology
1500s: Portugal settles east Timor as Dutch slowly conquer other islands in the
surrounding archipelago.
1949: Dutch give up their colony, creating Indonesia.
1975: Portugal withdraws from East Timor amid turmoil at home. Indonesian troops enter
amid fighting among Timorese political groups.
1976: Indonesia declares East Timor its 27th province. As much as one-third of the
650,000 population may have been killed in fighting. UN maintains Portugal is
administrating power.
1983: UN Commission on Human Rights adopts resolution affirming East Timor's right to
independence. Widespread hunger and continued battles between Indonesia troops and rebels.
1985: Australia recognizes Jakarta's rule of East Timor.
1989: Government crackdown on anti-Indonesian protesters during Pope John Paul II's
visit elicits US condemnation.
1991: US withholds defense-training aid to Indonesia to protest killing of separatist
demonstrators in the province's capital of Dili.
1992: Indonesia and Portugal agree to discussions on East Timor; UN General Assembly
adopts first resolution condemning Indonesia's human rights violations in East Timor.
1996: East Timor Bishop Dom Ximenes Belo and activist José Ramos Horta awarded Nobel
Peace Prize.
May 1998: Protests and a worsening economy bring down President Suharto after 32 years
of rule.
Feb. 1999: New president B.J. Habibie weighs independence for East Timor. Talks at UN
begin.
Source: Europa World Yearbook, Political Handbook, Worldbook.
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