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Former Secretary of Defense William Cohen Misleads 9-11
Commission
U.S. Assistance to the Indonesian Military Aided Terrorism
For Immediate Release
Contact: John M. Miller, 718-596-7668
March 25, 2004 - The East Timor Action Network (ETAN)
today accused former Secretary of Defense William Cohen of
misleading the 9-11 commission and trivializing state terrorism in
testimony this week.
"If terror is the use of violence against civilians for political
ends, then the Indonesian military should be considered the major
terrorist organization in the archipelago," said John M. Miller,
spokesperson for ETAN. "In the space of a few words, the former
Secretary of Defense sought to cover his own complicity in the
terrorization of the Indonesian and East Timorese people," said John
M. Miller, spokesperson for ETAN.
"Former Secretary Cohen misses the point that some would-be
partners in the war on terrorism are notorious human rights abusers
who have employed terror against their own people,” said Ed
McWilliams, a retired Senior Foreign Service Officer. “The lesson of
the irresponsible attempts in the Reagan and Bush I Administrations
to build ties with Saddam Hussein appear lost on Secretary Cohen.”
“Moreover, some would-be partners are inherently dangerous: the
Indonesian military conspires with Islamic fundamentalist groups
such as Laskar Jihad, responsible for killing thousands inside
Indonesia. Would Secretary Cohen have the U.S. military partner with
such a rogue military?” McWilliams, who served as Political
Counselor at the U.S. Embassy in Jakarta from 1996-1999, added.
Cohen, who served as Secretary of Defense from 1997-2001, accused
Congress of blocking "cooperation with countries whose support was
critical in counter-terrorism efforts" in a
statement prepared for the National Commission on Terrorist
Attacks Upon the United States. Congress banned military cooperation
with Indonesia in response to the "belief that we were indulging in
cynical hyperbole" to increase budgets, he wrote. In testimony, he
specifically cited the IMET (International Military Education and
Training) program.
“Claims that resumption of IMET for the Indonesian military would
encourage reform ignore history: More than four decades of close
contact with the U.S. military failed to improve the TNI’s dismal
record.,” said Miller. “Congress understood this, Secretary Cohen’s
Pentagon didn’t.”
“It's unfortunate Secretary Cohen didn't pursue the logical
conclusions of his
October 1, 1999 statement in Thailand, when he told the media,
‘when the kind of instability and terror that we saw take place in
East Timor goes unaddressed, then that has a potential for having
very wide-spread consequences,’" said Miller. “If he had been as
forthcoming this week, he would have admitted that aid to Jakarta's
out-of-control military continues to be a very bad idea.”
Background
Congress first voted to restrict IMET for Indonesia in response
to the 1991 Santa Cruz massacre, where Indonesian soldiers wielding
U.S.-supplied weapons killed more than 271 peaceful East Timorese
demonstrators. Over the next seven years, Congress and the Clinton
administration - in response to Congressional pressure - imposed
further restrictions.
While in Jakarta in January 1998,
Secretary
Cohen praised Kopassus, the military's notorious Special Forces
unit, for its "very impressive... discipline." Kopassus has been
implicated in numerous atrocities in East Timor, Papua, Aceh and
elsewhere. Between December 1997 and May 1998, Kopassus soldiers
kidnapped and tortured at least nine Indonesian pro-democracy
activists. The Indonesian military, including Kopassus, were
involved in training and arming Laskar Jihad, a radical Islamist
militia which killed thousands of Christians in Ambon beginning in
2000.
In April 1999, in the face of escalating violence in East Timor
by the military and their militia proxies, Admiral Dennis Blair,
Commander in Chief, U.S. Pacific Command, visited Jakarta. Rather
than telling Indonesia’s General Wiranto “to shut the militias down,
[Blair] instead offered him a series of promises of new U.S.
assistance,”
according to a classified cable on the meeting. Blair’s visit
took place just days after at least 59 refugees sheltering in a
church in Liquicia were murdered. Shortly after Blair’s visit,
militia rampaged through Dili, killing at least a dozen
pro-independence supporters. During these massacres, Indonesian
security officials either actively participated or stood by.
Blair later told the Washington
Post, "It is fairly rare that the personal relations made
through an IMET course can come into play in resolving a future
crisis."
In August 1999, just prior to East Timor’s independence
referendum, U.S. and Indonesian warships and marines conducted a
joint military exercise. Soon after, the Indonesian Navy assisted in
the looting and destruction of East Timor. The same U.S. warships
were soon needed to back up the international peacekeeping
operation.
In early September 1999, following East Timor's vote, the
President Clinton suspended military ties
and economic assistance to Indonesia in response to the
Indonesian military’s scorched-earth destruction of East Timor.
Indonesian military withdrawal from East Timor and entry of an
international peacekeeping force soon followed. In November, the
U.S. Congress
restricted most military assistance to Indonesia, with renewal
contingent upon the safe return of East Timorese refugees and
effective prosecution of military and militia members responsible
for crimes against humanity in East Timor and Indonesia.
Following some steps toward renewing military cooperation with
Indonesia, in September 2000, Secretary Cohen again
announced a
full suspension of military assistance to Indonesia after East
Timorese militia murdered three UN aid workers, including a U.S.
citizen, in West Timor as Indonesian security personnel stood by.
Congress continues to restrict IMET for Indonesia. Early this
year, Congress
again banned IMET until Jakarta fully cooperates with
investigations into the murder of three teachers (including two U.S.
citizens) in Papua. The Indonesian police have implicated the
Indonesian military in the killings.
A
2002 study for the U.S. Naval Postgraduate School noted that the
Indonesian army had become "a major facilitator of terrorism" due to
"the radical Muslim militias they had organized, trained, and
financed...The army financed Laskar Jihad with money embezzled from
its defense budget, estimated to be about $9.3 million."
ETAN advocates for democracy, sustainable development, justice
and human rights, including women's rights, for the people of East
Timor and Indonesia. (www.etan.org).
see also
U.S.-Indonesia Military
Assistance
Statement of William S. Cohen to The National Commission On
Terrorist Attacks Upon the United States
March 23, 2004
On many occasions the Administration was able to secure the
cooperation of Congress and others in the pursuit of its goals. In a
number of cases, it did not.
For example, some in Congress, the media and “policy community”
accused those of us focused on the terrorist threat of being
alarmist and of exaggerating the threat in order to
boost our budgets. Countering the threat of terrorism was
“the latest gravy train,” according to one
expert quoted by US News & World Report. The belief that we were
indulging in cynical hyperbole resulted in several legislative
actions. ...
* Congress blocked cooperation with countries whose support was
critical in counter-terrorism efforts, such as banning military
cooperation with Indonesia, the world’s
largest Muslim country that is a key battleground in the campaign
against Islamic extremists, and
banning any meaningful cooperation with
Pakistan, the front-line state in the global war on terrorism.
Transcript of Testimony By William S. Cohen March 23, 2004
Transcript of Former Secretary of Defense William S. Cohen's
testimony to the eighth public hearing of The National Commission on
Terrorist Attacks Upon the United States regarding the formulation
and conduct of U.S. counterterrorism policy.
-excerpts pertaining to Indonesia only-
MR. COHEN: Congress blocked the cooperation with countries whose
support was critical to the counterterrorism efforts, such as
banning military cooperation with Indonesia, by way of example, the
world's largest Muslim country that is a key battleground in the
campaign against Islamic extremists and banning any meaningful
cooperation with Pakistan, the front-line state in the global war on
terrorism, who had reasons for this but, nonetheless, that was the
reality. We had a program called "IMET," which was designed to put
our military into contact with the militaries of other countries to
help educate them in the way that a civilized country and a
democracy is able to subordinate the military/civilian rule and to
pursue democratic values. Well, the program was terminated based on
activities that took place in that country and elsewhere.
MR. ROEMER: I'm very happy to hear that. Let me ask you the
question to look forward, Secretary Rumsfeld who will be with us
momentarily wrote a memo that I think outlined the problem in the
future, absolutely to the point. And he said, as you just indicated,
that the military is not the only weapon, that it's one of many
arrows in the quiver, one of many tools in the toolbox to use.
I'd like to push you a little bit harder on a country that is
absolutely critical to the United States in our future, and that's
Indonesia. What specifically, as these training camps produce this
wrath of hatred, and jihadists, what can we do, even if we're out
there with the military killing people, and trying to eliminate the
terrorists, and the jihadists, as they're cranking out these human
conveyor belts of terrorists, and education in a place like
Indonesia to replace the madrassas with a practical education, or
what can Indonesia do? What can we do on IMET, what can we do
reaching out to the moderates and the government there? How can we
begin to put new types of military and State Department and intel
efforts to reach out to these types of critically important
countries in the future?
MR. COHEN: Thank you, Congressman Roemer. You had the Secretary
of State here earlier, Secretary Powell. I think he laid out some of
the "diplomatic initiatives" that have to be undertaken. Some of it
involves diplomacy, it involves the use of economic both incentives,
and disincentives, it involves sanctions, it involves a variety of
things. But, most of all it requires engagement on the part of the
United States, on a very aggressive, diplomatic fashion. Sheik
Zalman, who is the Crown Prince of Bahrain, if any of you have not
had occasion to meet with him I'd recommend that you talk to this
young man. He's one of the most progressive young leaders that I've
met, certainly in my travels, but especially in the Gulf region,
along with King Abdullah of Jordan. But, Sheik Zalman made an
observation a few months ago, which I endorse, basically pointing to
the problem that the United States has in dealing with this issue,
that much of the Arab world looks through two lenses, one lens
focused on how we conduct ourselves in Iraq, now that we're there,
how we successfully resolve, or achieve success in Iraq, and treat
the Iraqi people in that process, and the other has to do with the
Middle East conflict. Many Muslims throughout the world also look
through the lens of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
So I think we have to become much more engaged there, as well.
That's why I mentioned I don't think it should wait until November
elections are over, I think we have to reenergize that process now.
And I have my own thoughts about what needs to be done, and have
written about that. In addition to that, we have to engage Indonesia
diplomatically, militarily. The IMET program is one of the most
important programs that we have. The sharing of educational
materials, exercises, planning with other militaries, because of the
superiority, I believe, of men and women who serve us, because of
their excellence in education, discipline, leadership, fellowship,
all the things that make us the greatest force, military force on
the face of the earth, we should be trying to share that talent,
technology, techniques with other countries. And yes, they may be
accused of not living up to our standard of human rights, all the
more reason why we should engage them, al the more reason why we
have to persuade them that this is the way a military has to
operate, not with clubs and batons, not with the law of rule, but
the rule of law. That also has to take place. So IMET is important.
I think we also have to go to other countries who support the
madrases, and say, you are feeding the flames of future destruction
here. That requires education, it requires giving countries, also,
hope. Now, I'll come back to Palestine, the Palestinians for a
moment. Unless you see people who have an opportunity for either
sovereignty, dignity, and opportunity, you're likely to see
continued festering of violence in the region. You have to give
people a sense of hope. Economic hope, individual liberty in terms
of their opportunities, all of that is involved. So that requires us
to be engaged in a very aggressive way diplomatically.
The military, by the way, plays a role, a great role in
diplomacy. We have our State Department, and they do an outstanding
job with very limited resources, but the military also plays a very
big role. When our men and women in uniform go to a country, and
people are able to judge them, and see how good they are, how
disciplined, how well led, how technically capable, et cetera, how
good they are as human beings, they make a judgment about us, and
they say, we want to be like you. We want to have the same
capability, we want to develop a relationship with you. We need to
do more of that.
So every time there's an issue that comes up on the Hill that
says, well, abuse of human rights, cut off IMET, we should be
holding on to IMET. I could carry on at length about this particular
requirement, and I know that there are people on the Hill who would
object to that, but I think we have a better chance of influencing
people in their judgments about us, and helping to persuade them
that the way of the future is to have a military like that of the
United States and our allies, to subordinate that military to
civilian rule, to educate the military, to help persuade them that
they have -- they are in this war against terror with us. All of
that comes about with diplomacy, and a very strong military
capability, and diplomatic effort.
MR. ROEMER: Thank you very much. I hope this commission will take
into consideration those very provocative and thoughtful
recommendations into our recommendations at the end of the day.
see also
U.S.-Indonesia Military
Assistance
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