Indonesian NGOs Write U.S. Government on
Military Ties
Press release on letters
Identical letters were sent to Secretary of State
Albright, Secretary of Defense Cohen and National Secuirty Advisor Sandy
Berger.
June 12, 2000
Dear _________,
We are writing to you regarding the discussions in the US
Administration on the resumption of US military ties with and assistance
to the Indonesian armed forces (TNI). We, as Indonesian citizens and NGO
leaders, wish to offer our views on the matter and help you make a more
informed decision. If the US government wishes to cooperate with and
supply aid to the TNI, that is its prerogative. But it should not claim
that by so doing, it is helping democracy in Indonesia.
We are perplexed by the alacrity with which the Pentagon is resuming
normal relations with the TNI since none of the conditions which the
Congress stipulated last November in the Foreign Operations Appropriation
law have been met. The West Timor refugee problem still exists, the
military officers responsible for crimes against humanity (viz., forcible
deportation, mass murder, and large-scale property destruction) in East
Timor last September have not yet been brought to justice (and may well
never be brought to justice given the serious flaws in the government’s
judicial process for the case), and the military remains an institution
largely unaccountable to the civilian leadership. Most importantly, the
military has not disbanded the East Timorese militias who are continuing
to stage attacks on United Nations troops along the border.
We are disturbed by this quick resumption of military assistance since
the positive effect the US suspension has had is now in danger of being
squandered. The military has been half-heartedly cooperating in resolving
the outstanding problems of its previous crimes largely because it has
been desperate to regain the US stamp of approval. Once it obtains that
approval, it is likely to return to its old practices.
We do not ask the US government to actively assist the pro-democracy
movement in Indonesia. We do, however, ask the US government to make our
job easier by stopping its aid to our greatest obstacle: the Indonesian
military. Foreigners having the good fortune of living under a democratic
system may not realize just how powerful and unaccountable the Indonesian
military is. The military runs a parallel government called the
"territorial structure." This is a well-entrenched nationwide
structure from which the military polices Indonesian citizens. There are
no laws governing the military’s interventions into civilian life except
emergency decrees of 1965-66, still in force, that give it carte blanche
to do what it wills.
Given that the Indonesian military makes no distinction between
national defense and domestic policing (it is all "national
security"), the US government must admit that any training and aid
provided to the military can just as easily be used against Indonesian
citizens as external enemies. The Indonesian military is, according to its
official doctrine of "dual function," not just a military, but a
political power inside the country. The Pentagon can not claim that its
ties to the TNI are military-to-military ties since the TNI is not a
conventional military devoted exclusively to defense against external
aggression. The TNI today remains committed to the "dual
function" doctrine and is making no moves to renounce it.
We view the Pentagon’s justifications for its resumed ties with the
TNI – improving professionalism and respect for human rights – as
cynical attempts to legitimize a decision based on narrow conceptions of
US strategic interests. The problem with the Indonesian military is a
political one, not a technical one; it can not be remedied by any amount
of training or dollars from an outside country. Removing the military from
the political and economic life of the country requires the military to
relinquish power. But so long as the military – the shadow government of
this country – receives legitimation from the US, as it did for the
thirty three long dark years of the Suharto dictatorship, it will feel
more confident to refuse the public’s demand for the reduction of its
powers.
That the Pentagon has excluded the Indonesian army from the resumed
military relations hardly makes these relations any more legitimate. The
military as a whole is an unaccountable institution enjoying impunity, not
just the army. Services other than the army have been involved in human
rights abuses in places such as Aceh and East Timor. The military’s
revenue, not just the army’s, is unknown to the civilian leaders,
including the President himself, since so much of it is outside the
budget.
We were displeased to learn about the U.S. regional exercise called
Cobra Gold, which went forward in May with Indonesian military observers.
However, we are much more disturbed by indications that the U.S. Pentagon
is trying to push forward a participatory exercise known as Cooperation
Afloat Readiness and Training (CARAT) this summer. We know of previous
CARAT exercises and are keenly aware of their use to train Indonesian
officers in assault tactics, despite their being described by some as
"humanitarian operations." In fact, last year, military
personnel trained in CARAT left right from that training to join the
military’s criminal actions in East Timor after its vote for
independence.
We expect that those outside of Indonesia who are sincerely concerned
about democracy inside Indonesia would not wish to offer support to the
military at this delicate time when the military is still resisting
compliance to international demands for shutting down the
East Timorese militias, allowing the refugees to return to East Timor,
and bringing officers involved in crimes against humanity to trial.
Until the TNI renounces its "dual function" doctrine which
justifies its interventions into domestic politics, US military aid to it
is indefensible. By approving military relations and assistance to the
TNI, the US government, whether it realizes it or not, would be making a
political decision to strengthen the anti-democratic political power of
the TNI within Indonesia.
Sincerely,
Johnson Panjaitan
Director, Legal Aid and Human Rights Association of Indonesia (PBHI)
Ifdhal Kasim
Director, Institute of Research and Human Rights Advocacy (ELSAM)
Hilmar Farid
Vice-Director, Volunteer Team for Humanity (TRK)
Munir Director
Commission for Disappeared Persons and Victims of Violence (KONTRAS)
Lefidus Malau
Solidarity Forum with the People of East Timor (FORTILOS)
Binny Buchori
Executive Secretary, Indonesian NGO Forum on Indonesian Development (INFID)
ETAN's Press Release on
Resuming of Military Ties
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