ETAN is "A voice of reason,
criticizing the administration's
reluctance to address ongoing
human rights violations
and escalating oppression in
West Papua and against religious
minorities throughout
Indonesia."
This is the 106th in a series of monthly
reports that focus on developments affecting Papuans. This
series is produced by the non-profit West Papua Advocacy
Team (WPAT) drawing on media accounts, other NGO
assessments, and analysis and reporting from sources within
West Papua. This report is co-published by the East Timor
and Indonesia Action Network (ETAN). Back issues are
posted online at
http://www.etan.org/issues/wpapua/default.htm Questions
regarding this report can be addressed to Edmund McWilliams
at edmcw@msn.com. If you
wish to receive the report directly via e-mail, send a note to
etan@etan.org.
The Report leads with "Perspective," an opinion piece; followed by
"Update," a summary of some developments during the covered period; and then
"Chronicle" which lists of analyses, statements, new resources, appeals and
action alerts related to West Papua. Anyone interested in contributing a
"Perspective" or responding to one should write to
edmcw@msn.com. The opinions expressed in
Perspectives are the author's and not necessarily those of WPAT or ETAN. For additional news on West Papua see the reg.westpapua listserv
archive or on
Twitter.
In this edition of the WPAT Report we are pleased to publish Jeremy Bally's
PERSPECTIVE. Bally has carried his campaign for
Papuan human rights across Canada by bicycle. In UPDATE
we report the release of Papuan political leader Buchtar Tabuni and call
attention to the growing militarization of security policy in Indonesia. In
the CHRONICLE section Ed McWilliams
takes issue with Sidney Jones's recent argument that Indonesia should apply
its "anti-terror" law to address "separatism" in West Papua. We highlight a
recent analysis that questions whether fascism is a threat in Indonesia; we
note new reports on the devastating impact of the MIFEE project. We also
highlight new videos, one from Al Jazeera English on repression in West
Papua and two new video reports offering Papuan perspectives on life in a
transmigration zone the human rights environment in the Wamena area. On its
Silver Jubilee, the Melanesian Spearhead Group is urged to support West
Papua.
As a young, white, economically-advantaged male who has made West Papua a
centerpiece of his life, Martin Pelcher's recent
article struck a chord with me. He writes that: "The international West
Papua solidarity movement is in need of platforms for exchange that do not
center the voices and perspectives of white people."
On April 27, 2012, I left Victoria, British Columbia, on my bicycle, heading
east. It had been nearly three years since the name West Papua was first
spoken to me by a concerned friend. Much of that time, aside from organizing
the occasional movie night or coffee shop concert to raise awareness, had
been spent timidly planning this forthcoming journey. Eventually, and
thankfully before the rubber hit the road, I realized that it would be
inappropriate to execute such a campaign without first getting permission,
and stories, from West Papuans.
The
peoples of West Papua are diverse, strong, creative in their resistance and
resilience, and hopeful.
Theirs is a story that needs to be told.
The struggle on this end is how to do so respectfully, thoroughly, and
engagingly.
I arrived in Manokwari by boat from Surabaya, in the wake of the Third
National Congress, held in October 2011 and
violently concluded on the 19th of
that month. Not having enough experience at that point to even know that I
should have brought a voice recorder, I opted to write those early
conversations into my travel journal:
"Adrian told us that his uncle was one of the people that'd been killed
there, and it looked like he'd been tortured. He was apparently working in a
community watch as a security guard, and nobody really knows what happened
to him, but his body was found with the eyes gouged out, the feet removed,
and a large gash cut into his chest."
Three people died that day, and indeed I was able to confirm later
through
news reports that one was a security guard, and most likely the uncle of
my new friend Adrian. This experience was one of many that I eventually
transformed into a story. West Papuan voices were transcribed, often
verbatim (luckily, voice recorders are sold in Manokwari), into a
multimedia presentation that paired narrative with live music, shadow
puppetry, spoken word, and storytelling. Why not make it fun? I
thought - just because it's brutal doesn't mean it can't be entertaining.
So I hit the road, and the reviews were good. People seemed to be
genuinely engaging with the issue. Still, the road is a thoughtful place,
and I found myself constantly struggling to justify this strange path I'd
chosen. What right did I have to this story? Did the permission I was
granted from a few West Papuans justify me towing word of their complex
struggle into these distant communities? Was I telling it well? Or right?
Over 7500 km and 31 presentations this thought never left my mind. Neither,
however, did it overwhelm my judgment, or compromise my pursuit. In
Jason MacLeod response in West Papua Media Alert's to Pelcher's article,
I am reminded that, "Our role as solidarity activists is to continually
emphasize that the struggle is being led by Papuans and that the role of
outsiders is to support their efforts and amplify their voices." In 2012,
the story I told, while drawing hugely on the translated transcripts of my
interviews, was essentially a journal narrative - my journal
narrative. But what else was I to do? How, in our advocacy, do we
allow the voices of Papuans to shine through, when it is inevitably our own
experience that informs us? How do we, in part tactfully and selectively,
exclude our own voice while bringing forth another's; the latter having been
so stubbornly silenced by a dangerous and unbending occupation?
This short film was commissioned by Jeremy Bally to accompany his
Pedalling for Papua presentations across Canada.
This
video, produced by Canadian artists Chloe Ziner, Jessica Gabriel and
Janet Walker of Mind of a
Snail, is an animation of an edited version of one of my interviews in
West Papua. It was played at the end of the 2012 presentation, billed as "my
last interview." It became more and more clear to me throughout the journey,
from both audience feedback and my own intuition, that it was perhaps the
most important piece in the presentation. I eventually came to realize that,
to some degree, it also addressed the questions I was struggling with. It is
from this video that I am drawing a huge amount of inspiration for yet
another ride.
In 2013, I will be cycling once again through Canada, but also (with a bit
of luck and a lot of support) the U.S., UK and Australia. I am currently in
the early stages of producing a performance for this tour, which will
feature newly animated recordings of English language interviews I conduct
with West Papuans from both within their home region and abroad. Original
music, live puppetry and story-telling will tie these voices together in a
narrative which traces a history of struggle towards a future with hope.
If there is one thing I learned while in West Papua, it is that the
Indigenous peoples of that land are diverse, strong, creative in their
resistance and resilience, and hopeful. Theirs is a story that needs to be
told. The struggle on this end is how to do so respectfully, thoroughly, and
engagingly. My goal is that, with the support and permission of those I
interview, that challenge can be met this year with
Pedalling for Papua
2013. I hope you will all join me in making this the year that tips the
scales - where deep partnership brings change, and solidarity transcends
borders.
Buchtar Tabuni Free
Political Prisoner Campaign art (artwork: AK Rockefeller)
Buchtar Tabuni,
Chair of the pro-independence National Parliament of West Papua, was
released unexpectedly from Abepura prison on January 19, to a waiting group
of about 50 of his supporters from the West Papua National Committee
(KNPB), according to a report by
West Papua Media. His supporters KNPB members then escorted Tabuni on a
long march to the site of the assassination of his friend, former KNPB
Chairman Mako Tabuni. He was shot in broad daylight by the U.S. and
Australian-funded and trained Detachment 88 counter-terror officers in Waena
on June 14, 2012.
Buchtar Tabuni was arrested
on June 6, 2012, during an upsurge in mysterious OTK (Orang Terlatih Khusus
or "specially trained persons") shootings, and publicly linked by then Papua
Police Chief Bigman Tobing to the shootings. However, Tabuni's lawyer called
the entire case "nothing more than a set up" during Tabuni's criminal trial
in September. The lawyer, Gustaf Kawer, said at the time, "Buchtar had been
linked to the shooting of Miron Wetipo but that case has already been
solved, so it was clear that the authorities were trying to make a scapegoat
of Buchtar."
Tabuni was in custody when more shootings occurred. Kawer said during the
trial that Tabuni "was not in any way connected with those shootings. So
instead of being charged with the shootings he now faces the charge of
inflicting damage on the Abepura Prison in 2010, which means that he should
have been arrested in 2010." In a trial closed to independent witnesses and
marked by significant intimidation of journalists by police and court
officials, Tabuni was convicted on a charge of "having allegedly inflicted
damage on the Abepura prison in December 2011" and "exchanging harsh words
with prison warders."
In recent months, Tabuni's health had suffered from his incarceration in
atrocious and unhygienic conditions. He suffered respiratory illness,
gastric diseases and dangerously low blood pressure.
The Militarization of Security
The Jakarta Post, January 30, reported an agreement between the
Indonesian military (TNI) and the national police that will give the
military a greater role in dealing with communal conflict. The "Memorandum
of Understanding" allows the TNI to deploy its personnel to areas at high
risk of conflict without the consent of the local police. If the police
request support of the military, the police will be in command of the
operation, but if the military deploy without a police request, the military
will command the operation. National Police chief Gen. Timur Pradopo said
that under the MoU the police will be able to call on military assistance to
deal with communal conflicts and demonstrations.
Rights activists are critical of the military-police agreement. Coordinator
of the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras)
Haris Azhar said that the MoU could create a chaotic management of security
that could lead to more human rights violations. Haris said that the
mechanism for military assistance should be regulated by a law, instead of
an MoU: "Because it is an MoU, it is as if the police and the military want
us to think that other institutions should not be involved in its
deliberation, including civic groups and the House of Representatives."
Imparsial's Al Araf of rights watchdog placed the MoU in the context of
Presidential Instruction No. 2/2013. Issued on issued January 28, the
instruction calls for better coordination to handle communal and social
disputes. Araf said human rights advocates were concerned over possible
abuse of the new memorandum and presidential instruction. "Don't make ground
rules that only provide a blank check for the military to deal with security
problems; it's dangerous,? he said.
WPAT Comment: The separation of the military and police provided
entailed empowerment of police to address civil affairs. The new memorandum
of understanding and new Presidential Instruction significantly erode this
important reform and reflects a trend of re-militarization of Indonesian
society. This trend is most obvious in West Papua.
Response to Call to Apply Indonesia's Anti-Terrorism Law in West Papua
The authors of violence in the
Indonesian archipelago, especially violence with complex motives, are never so
clear cut as her lecture implies. This is especially true of West Papua where
police-military rivalries over access to resources and sources of extortion
monies is well known.
Ed McWilliams responded to
an
analysis by Sidney Jones, which
discussed the Indonesian government's
unwillingness, thus far, to categorize the Papuan
"ethno-nationalists/separatists" as "terrorists." Her analysis focuses on
the different approaches employed against the West Papuan
"ethno-nationalists/separatists" and Islamic militants ("jihadists") by
prosecutors and the security forces (police, military and
Detachment 88). Jones
contends that "the discrepancy between the way the two groups are treated by
the legal system is untenable." She considers two alternatives: One would be
to employ anti-terrorism law in West Papua, and the other would entail
moving away from the use of anti-terror law against "jihadists." She argues
against the latter approach of "pulling back from the use of the anti-terror
law."
Jones cites various
incidents of violence in West Papua that she claims were committed by these
"ethno-nationalists and separatists."While Jones "summarily credits
recent violent acts in West Papua to the 'ethno-nationalists and
separatists'.... She knows, or should know, that the authors of violence in
the Indonesian archipelago -- especially violence with complex motives --
are never so clear cut as her lecture implies. This is especially true of
West Papua where police-military rivalries over access to resources and
sources of extortion monies is well known. Jones should know also that
military, police and intelligence agencies, have long played the role of
provocateur, orchestrating acts of violence which advance agendas that are
invariably obscure. "Employing the "terrorist" label against
"ethno-nationalist and separatist" groups and individuals in West Papua
could have direct legal implications for international solidarity
movements," writes McWilliams.
Edmund McWilliams is a retired
U.S. Foreign Service Officer who served as the Political Counselor at the
U.S. Embassy in Jakarta 1996-1999. He received the American Foreign Service
Association's Christian Herter Award for creative dissent by a senior
foreign service official. He is a member of the
West Papua Advocacy
Team and a consultant with the
East Timor and Indonesia
Action Network (ETAN).
An analysis from the "Kontinum"
website examines a raft of already ratified laws and under legislation still
under consideration and raises the question: Is Indonesia Heading Towards
Fascism? The analysis has particular relevance for West Papua where groups
could be targeted by the new legislation. New laws on Dealing with Social
Conflict and Intelligence have already passed. Three similar regulations are
in process. These concern national security, military reserve forces, and
civil society. Groups would need government permission to form and would
have to disclose their activities and sources of funding. The legislation,
taken as a whole, would limit key civil liberties such as the right to free
speech and to assembly and greatly broaden the power of the military to act
independent of civilian control. State security forces would have the right
to abduct, arrest or spy on citizens, as part of their mandate to uphold the
social order, and this can also include armed intervention.
People & Power investigates the West Papuan struggle for
independence featuring interviews with KNPB Chair Victor Yeimo and
human rights activist Socratez Sofyan Yoman. The 25-minute
documentary filmed in 2012 by Dom Rotheroe and Sally Collister
documents growing repression in the region.
In mid-January, WPAT called on
the Indonesian government not to prevent UN Special Rapporteur Frank La Rue
from visiting political prisoners in West Papua and Ambon, which were to be
central to his visit. WPAT urged LaRue to postpone his trip if he were to be
prevented from visiting West Papua and Ambon. Though Indonesia had agreed to the visit last May,
the government's proposed restrictions would preclude La Rue from visiting
West Papuan and other political prisoners held in Jayapura and elsewhere. At
the end of January,
Metro TV ran a 25-minute program on political prisoners in Papua and
Ambon. The program (in Bahasa Indonesia) describes how La Rue's visit was
hampered by the Indonesian government. He was scheduled to arrive in Jakarta
on January 14; the visit has yet to be rescheduled.
Government MIFEE Scheme Devastating Lives of Local Papuans
The MIFEE project has disrupted the lives of local people, destroying local food
resources, and causing grave pollution which has damaged the health of the local
residents, notably the children.
A
January 20 report by Brooke Nolan in the Jakarta Globe offers a
devastating critique of the Indonesian government's
MIFEE development plan in the
Manokwari area of West Papua. The project has disrupted the lives of local
people, destroying local food resources, and causing grave pollution which
has damaged the health of the local residents, notably the children.
Promises of jobs for local people have evaporated as employment
opportunities instead have gone to transmigrants, non-Papuans brought into
the area to work in the project. Contrary to important promises by the
Government, pristine forest has been cut to support the $5 billion dollar
project.
The local people have sought the support of local NGOs and presented their
concerns to the United Nations Human Rights Commission. The Indonesian
government has refused to discus the project and its impact on the local
people with the UN.
The Australia West Papua Association (Sydney)
urged the Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG) to "support for the people of
West Papua." The MSG was celebrating its Silver Jubilee as it met in
Vanuatu. Joe Collins of AWPA said "the MSG showed its visionary policy in
supporting the people of Kanaky (New Caledonia) to be a member of the MSG
represented by the Front de Liberation Nationale Kanak et Socialiste
(FLNKS)." AWPA urged "the MSG to support those representatives of the West
Papuan people involved in the self-determination struggle [by] being granted
full membership at the next MSG Summit."
The
MSG brings together the four Melanesian countries, Fiji, Papua New
Guinea, Solomon Islands and Vanuatu, and the FLNKS.
Action alerts, media releases, key news and other resources on East
Timor (Timor-Leste) and Indonesia selected by ETAN, focused on
ETAN's program and priorities